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Ancient Egypt:

Light of the World by

Gerald Massey

 

 

A Work of Reclamation and Restitution in Twelve Books

 

 

 

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It mav have been a Million years ago

The Light was kindled in the Old Dark Land

Withi which the illumined Scrolls are all aglow,

That Egypt gave us with her mummied hand :

This was the secret of that subtle smile

Inscrutable upon the Sphinx's face,

Now told from sea to sea, from isle to isle ;

The revelation of the Old Dark Race ;

Theirs was the wisdom of the Bee and Bird,

Ant, Tortoise, Beaver, working human-wise ;

The ancient darkness spake with Egypt's Word ;

Hers was the primal message of the skies:

The Heavens are telling nightly of her glory,

And for all time Earth echoes her great story.

 

 

 

 


 

Ancient Egypt: The Light of the World by Gerald Massey

 

PREFATORY

 

I have written other books, but this I look on as the exceptional labour which has made my life worth

living. Comparatively speaking, " A Book of the Beginnings" (London, 1881) was written in the dark, "The

Natural Genesis" (London, 1883) was written in the twilight, whereas" Ancient Egypt" has been written in

the light of day. The earlier books were met in England with the truly orthodox conspiracy of silence.

Nevertheless, four thousand volumes have got into circulation somewhere or other up and down tlte

reading world, where they are slowly working in their unacknowledged way. Probably the present book

will be appraised at home in proportion as it comes back piecemeal from abroad, from Germany, or

France, or maybe from the Country of the Rising Sun.

 

To all dear lovers of the truth the writer now commends the verifiable truths that wait for recognition in

these pages.

 

Truth is all-potent with its silent power

 

If only whispered, never heard aloud,

 

But working secretly, almost unseen,

 

Save in some excommunicated Book;

 

'Tis as the lightning with its errand done

 

Before you hear the thunder.

 

For myself, it is enough to know that in despite of many hindrances from straitened circumstances,

chronic ailments, and the deepening shadows of encroaching age, my book is printed, and the subject-

matter that I cared for most is now entrusted safely to the keeping of John Gutenberg, on this my nineand-

seventieth birthday.

 

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Ancient Egypt: The Light of the World by Gerald Massey

 

 

CONTENTS VOL. I and 2 Page

Number

Size

in K

Pages

(Approx.)

ANCIENT EGYPT-The Light of the World

Introduction PREFATORY Roman 23 4

BOOK 1 SIGN-LANGUAGE AND MYTHOLOGY AS PRIMITIVE

MODES OF REPRESENTATION 1 172 39

Book 2 TOTEMISM, TATTOO AND FETISHISM AS FORMS OF

SIGN-LANGUAGE 46 579 60

BOOK 3 ELEMENTAL AND ANCESTRAL SPIRITS, OR THE GODS

AND THE GLORIFIED 120 256 53

BOOK 4 EGYPTIAN BOOK OF THE DEAD AND THE MYSTERIES

OF AMENTA 186 473 51

BOOK 5

THE SIGN-LANGUAGE OF ASTRONOMICAL

MYTHOLOGY

868 88 -The Primitive African Paradise 249

- Egyptian Wisdom 269

-The Drowning of the Dragon 287

BOOK 6

THE SIGN-LANGUAGE OF ASTRONOMICAL

MYTHOLOGY (PART II) 321

472 95

-Horus of the Double Horizon 332

-The Making of Amenta 344

-The Irish Amenta 366

-The Mount of Glory 376

BOOK 7 EGYPTIAN WISDOM AND THE HEBREW GENESIS 398 996 88

BOOK 8 THE EGYPTIAN WISDOM IN OTHER JEWISH WRITINGS 470

BOOK 9 THE ARK, THE DELUGE, AND THE WORLD’S GREAT

YEAR 544-627 294

BOOK 10 THE EXODUS FROM EGYPT AND THE DESERT OF

AMENTA 628-688 222

BOOK 11 EGYPTIAN WISDOM IN THE REVELATION OF JOHN THE

DIVINE 689-725 135

 

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Ancient Egypt: The Light of the World by Gerald Massey

 

 

Book 12 THE JESUS-LEGEND TRACED IN EGYPT FOR TEN

THOUSAND YEARS 726-804 285

APPENDIX 905

 

 

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Ancient Egypt: The Light of the World by Gerald Massey

 

 

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS - Volume -1-

ANCIENT EGYPT- The Light of the World

Book

No.

Page

No.:

1 APT, THE FIRST GREAT MOTHER 124

1 THE MUMMY-BABE 219

3 ILLUSTRATION FROM A THEBAN TOMB 289

4 HIPPOPOTAMUS AND HAUNCH 311

5 SHU THE KNEELER 315

6 HORUS STRANGLING SERPENTS 317

7 HORUS IN PISCES 343

8 HORUS THE SHOOT OF THE PAPYRUS 450

9 ASSYRIAN CYLINDER 453

10 THE FLAMING SWORD WHICH GUARDED THE TREE 455

11 HORUS BRUISING THE SERPENT'S HEAD . 462

 

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Ancient Egypt: The Light of the World by Gerald Massey

 

VOLUME 1

BOOK 1 of 12

 

 

SIGN-LANGUAGE AND MYTHOLOGY AS PRIMITIVE MODES OF REPRESENTATION

 

THE other day a lad from London who had been taken to the sea-side for the first time in his life was

standing with his mother looking at the rolling breakers tossing and tumbling in upon the sands, when he

was heard to exclaim, "Oh, mother, who is it chucking them heaps o" water about ?" This expression

showed the boy's ability to think of the power that was " doing it" in the human likeness. But, then,

ignorant as he might be, he was more or less the heir to human faculty as it is manifested in all its

triumphs over external nature at the present time. Now, it has been and still is a prevalent and practically

universal assumption that the same mental standpoint might have been occupied by Primitive Man, and

 

a. like question asked in presence of the same or similar phenomena of physical nature. Nothing is more

common or more unquestioned than the inference that Primitive Man would or could have asked," Who is

doing it ?" and that the Who could have been personified in the human likeness. Indeed, it has become

an axiom with modern metaphysicians and a postulate of the Anthropologists that, from the beginning,

man imposed his own human image upon external nature; that he personified its elemental energies and

fierce physical forces after his own likeness; also that this was in accordance with the fundamental

character and constitution of the human mind. To adduce a few examples taken almost at random: David

Hume declares that " there is a universal tendency among mankind to conceive all beings like

themselves". In support of which he instances the seeing of human faces in the moon. Reid on the Active

Powers (4th Essay) says our first thoughts are that "the objects in which we perceive motion have

understanding and power as we have". Francis Bacon had long before remarked that we human beings

"set stamps and seals of our own images upon God's creatures and works". (Exp. History) Herbert

Spencer argued that human personality applied to the powers of nature was the primary mode of

representation, and that the identification of this with some natural force or object is due to identity of

name. (Data of Sociology, chapter xxiv, 184.) "In early philosophy throughout the world", says Mr. Tylor,

"the [Page2} sun and moon are alive and as it were human in their nature". Professor Max Müeller, who

taught that Mythology was a disease of language, and that the Myths have been made out of words

which had lost their senses, asserts that "the whole animal world has been conceived as a copy of our

own. And not only the animal world, but the whole of nature was liable to be conceived and named by an

assimilation to human nature". (Science of Thought, page 503.) And "such was the propensity in the

earliest men of whom we have any authentic record to see personal agency in everything", that it could

not be otherwise, for "there was really no way of conceiving or naming anything objective except after the

similitude of the subjective, or of ourselves". (Science of Thought, page 495.) Illustrations of this modern

position might be indefinitely multiplied. The assumption has been supported by a consensus of

assertion, and here, as elsewhere, the present writer is compelled to doubt, deny, and disprove the

popular postulate of the accepted orthodox authorities.

That, said the lion, is your version of the story: let us be the sculptor's , and for one lion under the feet of

a man you shall see a dozen men beneath the pad of one lion.

 

"Myth-making Man" did not create the Gods in his own image. The primary divinities of Egypt, such as

Sut, Sebek, and Shu, three of the earliest, were represented in the likeness of the Hippopotamus, the

Crocodile, and the Lion; whilst Hapi was imaged as an Ape, Anup - as a Jackal, Ptah as a Beetle, Taht as

an Ibis, Seb as a Goose. So was it with the Goddesses. They are the likenesses of powers that were

 

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super-human, not human. Hence Apt was imaged as a Water-cow, Hekat as a Frog, Tefnut as a Lioness,

Serkh as a Scorpion,. Rannut as a Serpent, Hathor as a Fruit-tree. A huge mistake has hitherto been

made in assuming that the Myth-Makers began by fashioning the Nature-Powers in their own human

likeness. Totemism was formulated by myth-making man with types that were the very opposite of

human, and in mythology the Anthropomorphic representation was preceded by the whole menagerie of

Totemic Zootypes.

 

The idea of Force, for instance, was not derived from the thews and muscles of a Man. As the Karaite

Sign-Language shows, the Force that was "chucking them heaps of water about" was perceived to be

the wind; the Spirit that moved upon the face of the waters from the beginning. This power was divinised

in Shu, the God of breathing Force, whose zootype is the Lion as a fitting figure of this panting Power of

the Air. The element audible in the howling wind, but dimly apprehended otherwise, was given shape and

substance as the roaring Lion in this substitution of similars. The Force of the element was equated by

the power of the Animal; and no human thews and sinews could compare with those of the Lion as a

figure of Force. Thus the Lion speaks for itself, in the language of Ideographic Signs. And in this way the

Gods and Goddesses of ancient Egypt were at first portrayed as Superhuman Powers by means of living

Superhuman types.

 

If primitive man had projected the shadow of himself upon external nature, to shape its elemental forces

in his own image, or if the un-featured Vast had unveiled to him any likeness of the human face, [Page 3]

then the primary representation of the Nature-Powers (which became the later divinities) ought to have

been anthropomorphic, and the likeness reflected in the mirror of the most ancient mythologies should

have been human. Whereas the Powers and Divinities were first represented by animals, birds, and

reptiles, or, to employ a word that includes all classes, they were portrayed by means of zootypes. The

Sun and Moon were not considered "human in their nature" when the one was imaged as a Crocodile, a

Lion, a Bull, a Beetle, or a Hawk, and the other as a Hare, a Frog, an Ape, or an Ibis, as they are

represented in the Egyptian hieroglyphics by means of the zootypes. Until Har-Ur, the Elder Horus, had

been depicted as the Child in place of the Calf or Lamb, the Fish, or Shoot of the Papyrus-plant (which

was comparatively late), there was no human figure personalised in the Mythology of Egypt.

 

Primitive or paleolithic Man was too beggarly poor in possessions to dream of shaping the Superhuman

Powers of Nature in the human likeness. There is one all-sufficient reason why he did not; he simply

could not. And it is precisely because the Makers of the Myths had not the power to animate the universe

in their own likeness that we have the zoomorphic mode of representation as the Sign-Language of

Totemism and Mythology. On every line of research we discover that the representation of nature was

pre-anthropomorphic at first, as we see on going back far enough, and on every line of descent the

zoomorphic passes ultimately into the human representation. Modern metaphysicians have so developed

the faculty of abstraction and the disease of Subjectivity that their own mental operations offer no true

guidance for generalisations concerning primitive or early man, who thought in things and almost

apprehended with the physical sense-alone.

 

They overlook the fact that imaging by means of object-pictures preceded the imagining so often

ascribed to primitive men. These did not busy themselves and bother their brains with all sorts of vagrant

fancies instead of getting an actual grasp of the homeliest facts. It was not "Primitive Man" but two

German metaphysicians who were looking out of window at a falling shower of rain when one of them

remarked, "Perhaps it is I who am doing that" "Or /," chimed in the other.

 

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Ancient Egypt: The Light of the World by Gerald Massey

 

 

The present writer once had a cat before whom he placed a sheet of polished tin. The cat saw herself

reflected as in a mirror, and looked for a short time at her own image. So far as sight and appearance

went, this might have been another cat. But she proceeded to apply the comparative process and test

one sense by another, deliberately smelling at the likeness to find out if any cat was there. She did not sit

down as a non-verifying visionary to formulate hypotheses or conjure up the ghost of a cat. Her sense of

smell told her that as a matter of fact there was no other cat present; therefore she was not to be misled

by a false appearance, in which she took no further interest. That, we may infer, was more like the action

of Primitive Man, who would find no human likeness behind the phenomena of external nature. Indeed,

man was so generally represented by the animals that the appearance could be mistaken for a primitive

belief that the animals were his ancestors. But the powers [Page 4] first perceived in external nature were

not only unlike the human; they were very emphatically and distinctly more than human, and therefore

could not be adequately expressed by features recognizable as merely human. Primitive men were all

too abjectly helpless in presence of these powers to think of them or to conceive them in their own

similitude. The one primordial and most definite fact of the whole matter was the distinct and absolute

unlikeness to themselves. Also they themselves were too little the cause of anything by the work of their

own hands to enter into the sphere of causation mentally. They could only apprehend the nature-forces

by their effects, and try to represent these by means of other powers that were present in nature, but

which were also necessarily superior to the human and were not the human faculties indefinitely

magnified. The human being could only impress his own image on external nature in proportion to his

mastery over natural conditions. He could not have figured the Thunder-bolt as a Stone-axe in the hands

of a destroying Power until he himself had made and could wield the axe of stone as the weapon of his

own power. But he could think of it in the likeness of the Serpent already known to him in external nature

as a figure of fatal force.

 

An ignorant explanation of the Egyptian Sign-Language was begun by the Greeks, who could not read

the hieroglyphics. It was repeated by the Romans, and has been perpetuated by "Classical Scholars"

ever since. But, as the interpreter of Egypt, that kind of scholastic knowledge is entirely obsolete.

Ignorance of primitive sign-language has been and is a fertile source of false belief. For example,

Juvenal asks, " Who does not know what kind of monsters Egypt insanely worships?" (Sat. 15.1.) And

having seen or heard of the long-tailed Ape in an Egyptian temple, the satirist assumed without question

that this animal was set up as an object of worship. He did not know that the Ape itself was the

worshipper, as an image in Sign-Language and as the Saluter of the Gods. Ani, the name of this

particular Ape, denotes the Saluter, and to salute was an Egyptian gesture of adoration. The Ape or

Cynocephalus with its paws uplifted is the typical worshipper as Saluter of the Light. It was, and still is,

looked upon in Africa generally as a pre-human Moon-worshipper, who laments and bewails the

disappearance of its night-light and rejoices at the renewal and return of that luminary. (Hor-Apollo, B. i,

 

14. Also Captain Burton, in a letter to the author.) In the Vignettes to the Ritual, Ani the Ape is the Saluter

of the rising Sun, that is of Ra, upon the Mount of Sunrise. One of the most profound perversions of the

past has been made in misapprehending this primitive sign-language for what is designated "Worship",

whether as "Sun-Worship", "Serpent-Worship", "Tree-Worship", or "Phallic-Worship". The Tree, for

example, is a type, but the type is not necessarily an object of worship, as misunderstood by those who

do not read the types when these are rooted in the ground of natural fact. The forest-folk were dwellers in

the trees, or in the bush. The tree that gave them food and shelter grew to be an object of regard. Hence

it became a type of the Mother-Earth as the birthplace and abode. Hence Hathor was the hut or house of

Horus (Har) in the tree. But worship is a word of cant employed by writers who are [Page 5] ignorant of

sign-language in general. Such phrases as "Stock-and-stone worship" explain nothing and are worse

than useless. The Mother and Child of all mythology are represented in the Tree and Branch. The Tree

was a type of the abode, the Roof-tree; the Mother of food and drink; the giver of life and shelter; the wet-

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Ancient Egypt: The Light of the World by Gerald Massey

 

 

nurse in the dew or rain; the producer of her offspring as the branch and promise of periodic continuity.

Was it the Tree then the Egyptians worshipped, or the Giver of food and shelter in the Tree ? On the Apis

Stele in the Berlin Museum two priests are saluting the Apis-Bull. This is designated "Apis-worship". But

the Apis carries the Solar Disk betwixt its horns. This also is being saluted. Which then is the object of

worship ? There are two objects of religious regard, but neither is the object of adoration. That is the God

in spirit who was represented as the Soul of life in the Sun and in the Tree, also by the fecundating Bull.

In this and a thousand other instances it is not a question of worship but of sign-language.

 

Nor did Mythology spring from fifty or a hundred different sources, as frequently assumed. It is one as a

system of representation, one as a mould of thought, one as a mode of expression, and all its great

primordial types are virtually universal. Neither do the myths that were inherited and repeated for ages by

the later races of men afford any direct criterion to the intellectual status of such races. A mythical

representation may be savage without those who preserve it being savages. When the Egyptians in the

time of Unas speak of the deities devouring souls it is no proof of their being cannibals at the time.

Mythology has had an almost limitless descent. It was in a savage or crudely primitive state in the most

ancient Egypt, but the Egyptians who continued to repeat the Myths did not remain savages. The same

mythical mode of representing nature that was probably extant in Africa 100,000 years ago survives today

amongst races who are no longer the producers of the Myths and Marchën than they are of

language itself. Egyptian mythology is the oldest in the world, and it did not begin as an explanation of

natural phenomena, but as a representation by such primitive means as were available at the time. It

does not explain that the Sun is a Hawk or the Moon a Cat, or the solar God a Crocodile. Such figures of

fact belong to the symbolical mode of rendering in the language of animals or zootypes. No better

definition of "Myth" or Mythology could be given than is conveyed by the word "Sem" in Egyptian. This

signifies representation on the ground of likeness. Mythology, then, is "representation on the ground of

likeness", which led to all the forms of sign-language that could ever be employed. The matter has been

touched upon in previous volumes, but for the purpose of completeness it has to be demonstrated in the

present work that external nature was primarily imaged in the pre-human likeness. It was the same here

as in external nature: the animals came first, and the predecessors of Man are primary in Sign-

Language, Mythology, and Totemism.

 

It is quite certain that if the primitive method had been Conceptual and early man had possessed the

power to impose the likeness of human personality upon external phenomena it would have been in the

image of the Male, as a type or in the types of power; whereas the primal human personification is in the

likeness of the female. [Page 6]The great Mother as the primal Parent is a Universal type. There could be

no divine Father in Heaven until the fatherhood was individualized on earth. Again, if primitive men had

been able to impose the human likeness on the Mother-Nature the typical Wet-nurse would have been a

woman. But it is not so; the Woman comes last She was preceded by the Beast itself, the Sow, the

Hippopotamus, or Lioness, and by the female form that wears the head of the Zootype, the Cow, Frog or

Serpent, on the body of a divinity. Moreover, the human likeness would, of necessity, have included Sex.

But the earliest powers recognised in nature are represented as being of no Sex. It is said in the

Akkadian hymns, "Female they are not, male they are not" Therefore they were not imaged in the human

likeness. The elements of air, earth, water, fire, darkness and light are of no sex, and the powers first

recognised in them, whether as destructive or beneficent, are consequently without sex. So far from

Nature having been conceived or imaged as a non-natural Man in a Mask, with features more or less

human, however hugely magnified, the mask of human personality was the latest that was fitted to the

face of external nature. Masks were applied to the face of nature in the endeavour to feature and visibly

present some likeness of the operative elemental forces and manifesting powers of Air, Fire, Water, Earth

 

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Thunder and Lightning, Darkness and Dawn, Eclipse and Earthquake, Sand-storm or the drowning

waters of the Dark. But these masks were Zoomorphic, not human. They imaged the most potent of

devouring beasts, most cunning of reptiles, most powerful birds of prey. In these monstrous masks we

see the Primal Powers of Nature all at play, as in the Pantomime, which still preserves a likeness to the

primordial representation of external nature that is now chiefly known under the names of Mythology and

Totemism. The Elemental powers operant in external nature were superhuman in the past as they are in

the present. The Voice of Thunder, the death-stroke of lightning, the Coup de Soleil, the force of fire, or of

water in flood and the wind in a hurricane were superhuman. So of the Animals and Birds: the powers of

the hippopotamus, crocodile, serpent, hawk, lion, jackal, and Ape were superhuman, and therefore they

were adopted as zootypes and as primary representatives of the superhuman Powers of the Elements.

They were adopted as primitive Ideographs. They were adopted for use and consciously stamped for

their representative value, not ignorantly worshipped; and thus they became the coins as it were in the

current medium of exchange for the expression of primitive thought or feeling.

 

Sign-language includes the gesture-signs by which the mysteries were danced or otherwise dramatised

in Africa by the Pygmies and Bushmen; in Totemism, in Fetishism, and in hieroglyphic symbols; very little

of which language has been read by those who are continually treading water in the shallows of the

subject without ever touching bottom or attaining foothold in the depths. It is by means of sign-language

that the Egyptian wisdom keeps the records of the pre-historic past. The Egyptian hieroglyphics show us

the connection betwixt words and things, also betwixt sounds and words, in a very primitive range of

human thought. There is no other such a record known in all the world. They consist largely of human

[Page 7] gesture-signs and the sounds first made by animals, such as "ba" for the goat, "meaou" for the

cat, "su" for the goose, and "fu" for the Cerastes snake. But the Kamite representation by means of sign-

language had begun in inner Africa before the talking animals, birds, and reptiles had been translated

into the forms of gods and goddesses by the dwellers in the valley of the Nile. The living ideographs or

zootypes were primary, and can be traced to their original habitat and home, and to nowhere else upon

the surface of our earth. The cow of the waters there represented the earth-Mother as the great bringer-

forth of life before she was divinised as Apt the goddess in human guise, with the head of a

hippopotamus. The overseeing Giraffe (or was it the Okapi ?) of Sut, the hawk of Horus, the Kaf-Ape of

Taht-Aan, the white Vulture of Neith, the Jackal of Anup, and fifty others were pre-extant as the talking

animals before they were delineated in semi-human guise as gods and goddesses or elemental powers

thus figured forth in the form of birds and beasts or fish and reptiles. The zootypes were extant in nature

as figures ready-modelled, pictures ready-made, hieroglyphics and ideographs that moved about alive:

pictures that were earlier than painting, statues that preceded sculpture, living nature-types that were

employed when there were no others known to art. Certain primordial types originated in the old dark

land of Africa. These were perfected in Egypt and thence dispersed about the world. Amongst them is the

Earth as solid ground amidst the water of surrounding space, or as the bringer-forth of life, depicted as a

Water-Cow; possibly the Cow of Kintu in Uganda; the Dragon of Darkness or other wide-jawed Swallower

of the Light that rose up from the Abyss and coiled about the Mount of Earth at night as the Devourer; the

evergreen Tree of Dawn - pre-eminently African - that rises on the horizon, or upon the Mount of Earth,

from out the waters of Space; the opposing Elemental Powers beginning with the Twins of Light and

Darkness who fought in Earth and Heaven and the Nether World; the Great Earth-Mother of the Nature-

powers; the Seven Children of her womb, and various other types that are one in origin and worldwide in

their range.

 

When the solar force was yet uncomprehended, the sinking Sun could be imaged naturally enough by

the Beetle boring its way down through the earth, or by the Tortoise that buried itself in the soil: also by

 

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the Crocodile making its passage through the waters, or the Golden Hawk that soared up through the air.

This was representing phenomena in external nature on the ground of likeness when it could not be

imaged directly by means of words. When it is held, as in Australia, that the Lizard first divided the sexes

and that it was also the author of marriage, we have to ascertain what the Lizard signified in sign-

language, and when we find that, like the serpent or the Frog, it denoted the female period, we see how it

distinguished or divided the sexes and in what sense it authorized or was the author of Totemic Marriage,

because of its being a sign or symbol of feminine pubescence. It is said by the Amazulu, that when old

Women pass away they take the form of a kind of Lizard. This can only be interpreted by knowing the

ideographic value in the primitive system of Sign-Language in which the Lizard was a zootype. The

Lizard [Page 8]appeared at puberty, but it disappeared at the turn of life, and with the Old Women went

the disappearing Lizard.

 

The Frog which transformed from the tadpole condition was another Ideograph of female pubescence.

This may be illustrated by a story that was told some time since by Miss Werner in the Contemporary

Review which contains a specimen of primitive thought and its mode of expression in perfect survival. It

happened that a native girl at Blantyre Mission was called by her mistress, a missionary's wife, to come

and take charge of the baby. Her reply was, "Nchafuleni is not there; she is turned into a frog". (Werner,

Contemporary Review, Sept., page 378.) She could not come for a reason of Tapu, but said so typically

in the language of animals. She had made that transformation which first occurs when the young girl

changes into a woman. She might have said she was a serpent or a lizard or that she was in flower. But

the frog that changed from a tadpole was also a type of her transformation, and she had figuratively

become a frog for a few days of seclusion. Similarly the member of a Totem also became a frog, a beetle,

a bull or bear as a mode of representation, but not because the human being changed into the animal.

The same things which are said at a later stage by the ideographic Determinatives in the Egyptian

hieroglyphics had been expressed previously by the Inner African zoo types or living Beasts, Birds and

Reptiles, as may be seen in the stories told of the talking Animals by the Bushmen. The original records

still suffice to show that the physical agencies or forces first perceived, were not conceived or mentally

embodied in the human likeness, and that external nature offered no looking-glass for the human face.

 

To take the very illustration adduced by Hume. The original Man in the Moon did not depend upon any

fancied resemblance to the human face. The Egyptian Man in the Moon, Taht or Tehuti (Greek Thoth),

had the head of an Ibis or of the Cynocephalus; both Ibis and Cynocephalus were lunar types which

preceded any human likeness, and these were continued as heads to the human figure after this had

been adopted. The Man in the Moon, who is Taht (or Khunsu) in Egypt, had a series of predecessors in

the Dog or Cynocephalus, the Ibis, the Beetle, the Bull, the Frog, and other ideographic figures of lunar

phenomena. As natural fact, the Ibis was a famous Fisher of the Nile, and its familiar figure was adopted

as a zootype of Taht, the lunar God. Where the modern saw the New Moon with the "auld Moon in her

arm", the Egyptian saw the Ibis fishing up the old dark orb from out the waters with the crescent of its

curving beak, as the recoverer and Saviour of the Drowning Light. The Moon was not looked upon as

having any human likeness when it was imaged as (or by) the Cat who saw in the dark: the Hare that

rose up by night and went round the horizon by leaps and bounds: the Ibis as, the returning bird of

passage and messenger of the Inundation: the Frog that transformed from the tadpole: the old Beetle

that renewed itself in the earth to come forth as the young one, or the Cow that gave re-birth to the child

of light as her calf. The sun was not conceived as "human in its nature" when the solar force at dawn was

imaged by the Lion-faced Atum; the [Page 9] flame of its furnace by the fiery serpent Uati; the soul of its

life by the Hawk, the Ram, or the Crocodile, which are five Egyptian Zootypes and a fivefold disproof of

the sun being conceived as or considered human in its nature or similitude.

 

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In beginning ab ovo our first lesson is to learn something of the Symbolical Language of Animals, and to

understand what it is they once said as Zootypes. We have then to use that knowledge in simplifying the

mysteries of mythology.

 

This primitive language is still employed in divers forms. It is extant in the so-called "dead language" of

the Hieroglyphics; the Ideographs and Pictographs; in the Totemic types, and figures of Tattoo; in the

portraiture of the Nature-Powers which came to be divinised at length in the human likeness as the Gods

and Goddesses of Mythology; and in that language of the folk-fables still made use of by the Bushmen,

Hottentots, and other Africans, in which the Jackal, the Dog, the Lion, the Crane, the White Vulture and

other beasts and birds keep on talking as they did in the beginning, and continue more or less to say in

human speech what they once said in the primitive symbolism; that is, they fulfil the same characters in

the Märchen that were first founded in the Mythos. It has now to be shown how the Mythical mode of

representing natural phenomena was based upon this primitive system of thought and expression, and

how the things that were thought and expressed of old in this language constitute the primary stratum of

what is called "Mythology" to-day.

 

In the most primitive phase Mythology is a mode of representing certain elemental powers by means of

living types that were superhuman like the natural phenomena. The foundations of Mythology and other

forms of the ancient wisdom were laid in this pre-anthropomorphic mode of primitive representation.

Thus, to summarise a few of the illustrations. The typical Giant Apap was an enormous water-Reptile.

The typical Genetrix and Mother of life was a Water-Cow that represented the Earth. The typical Twin-

Brothers were two Birds or two Beasts. The typical twin brother and sister were a Lion and a Lioness.

The typical Virgin was a heifer, or a vulture. The typical Messiah was a calf, a lamb or Unbu the Branch.

The typical Provider was a goose. The typical Chief or Leader is a lion. The typical Artisan is a beetle.

The typical Physician is an Ibis (which administered the enema to itself). The typical Judge is a Jackal or

a cynocephalus, whose wig and collar are amusingly suggestive of the English Law-courts. Each and all

of these and hundreds more preceded personification in the human image. The mighty Infant who slew

the Dragon or strangled serpents while in his cradle was a later substitute for such a Zootype as the little

Ichneumon, a figure of Horus. The Ichneumon was seen to attack the cobra di capella and make the

mortal enemy hide its head and shield its most vital parts within the protecting coils of its own body. For

this reason the lively, daring little animal was adopted as a zootype of Horus the young Solar God, who in

his attack upon the Apap-Serpent made the huge and deadly reptile hide its head in its own enveloping

darkness. But, when the figure is made anthropomorphic and the tiny [Page 10]Conqueror is introduced as

the little Hero in human form, the beginning of the Mythos and its meaning are obscured. The

Ichneumon, the Hawk, the Ibis might attack the Cobra, but it was well enough known that a Child would

not, consequently the original hero was not a Child, although spoken of as a child in the literalised

marvels, miracles, and fables of "the Infancy".

 

It is the present writer's contention that the Wisdom of the Ancients was the Wisdom of Egypt, and that

her explanation of the Zootypes employed in Sign-Language, Totemism, and Mythology holds good

wherever the zootypes survive. For example, the Cawichan Tribes say the Moon has a frog in it, and with

the Selish Indians of North-West America the Frog (or Toad) in the Moon is equivalent to our Man in the

Moon. They have a tradition that the devouring Wolf being in love with the Frog (or Toad), pursued her

with great ardour and had nearly caught her when she made a desperate leap and landed safely in the

Moon, where she has remained to this day. (Wilson, Trans, of Ethnol. Society, 1866, New Series, v. 4,

page 304.) Which means that the frog, as a type of transformation, was applied to the changing Moon as

 

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well as to the Zulu girl, Nchafuleni.

 

Sign-language was from the beginning a substitution of similars for the purpose of expression by

primitive or pre-verbal Man, who followed the animals in making audible sounds accompanied and

emphasised by human gestures. The same system of thought and mode of utterance were continued in

mythography and totemism. Renouf says the Scarabeus was "an object of worship in Egypt", as a

symbol of divinity. But this is the modern error. If there was a God, and the Beetle was his symbol,

obviously it was the divinity that was the object of worship, not the symbol: not the zootype. Ptah, we

know, was that divinity, with the Beetle as a type; and those who read the types were worshippers of the

God and not of his symbolic dung-beetle which was honoured as a sign of transformation. When told that

the Egyptians were worshippers of the "Bee", the "Mantis", and the "Grasshopper", we recall the words of

Hor-Apollo, who says that when the Egyptians would symbolise a mystic and one of the Initiated they

delineate a Grasshopper because the insect does not utter sounds with its mouth, but makes a chirping

by means of its spine. (B. 2, 55.) The grasshopper, then, which uttered a voice that did not come from its

mouth, was a living type of superhuman power. And being an image of mystery and superhuman power,

it was also considered a fitting symbol of Kagn, the Bushman Creator, or Great Spirit of creative mystery.

Moreover, the grasshopper made his music and revealed his mystery in dancing; and the religious

mysteries of Kagn were performed with dancing or in the grasshopper's dance. Thus the Initiates in the

mysteries of the Mantis are identical with the Egyptian Mystae symbolised by the grasshopper; and the

dancing probably goes back to the time when pre-verbal man was an imitator of the grasshopper, which

was a primitive type of mystery, like the transforming frog and the self-interring tortoise. There is a

religious sect still extant in England who are known as the "Jumpers", and their saltatory exercises still

identify them with the leaping "Grasshoppers" and the "praying Mantis" in the [Page 11] mysteries of old.

They still “dance that dance”. The “Moon belongs to the Mantis”, say the Bushmen, which goes to show

that the Mantis was not only a Lunar type as the leaper round the horizon, but on account of its power of

transformation; and this again suggests the reason why the Mantis should be the zootype of the Mystae

who transformed in trance, as well as leaped and danced in the mysteries. The Frog and Grasshopper

were earlier leapers than the Hare. These also were figures of the Moon that leaped up in a fresh place

every night. It was this leaping up of the light that was imitated in the dances of the Africans who jumped

for joy at the appearance of the New Moon which they celebrated in the monthly dance, as did the Congo

Negroes and other denizens of the dark Continent who danced the primitive mysteries and dramatized

them in their dances.The Leapers were the Dancers, and the leaping Mantis, the Grasshopper, the Frog,

the Hare, were amongst the pre-human prototypes.

 

The frog is still known in popular weather-wisdom as the prophesier of Rain. As such, it must have been

of vastly more importance in the burning lands of Inner Africa, and there is reason to suppose that Hekat,

the Consort of Khnum, the King of Frogs, was frog-headed, as the prophetess, or foreteller, on this

ground of natural fact. Erman says the “great men of the South,” the “Privy Councillors of the royal orders

were almost always invested – I know not why – with the office of Prophet of the frog-headed Goddess

Hekat”. (Life in ancient Egypt, page 82. English Translation). The Frog was a prophet of rain in some

countries, and of spring-time in others.In Egypt it was the prophet of the Inundation, hence Hekat was a

Consort of Khnum, the Lord of Inundation, and King of the Frogs. Hekat was also the Seer by Night in the

Moon, as well as the crier for the waters and foreteller of their coming. From her, as Seer in the dark, we

may derive the names of the Witch as the Hexe, the Hag, the Hagedisse; and also that of the dark

Goddess Hecate, the sender of dreams. As prophesier of rain, or of the Inundation, it was the herald of

new life to the land of Egypt, and this would be one reason for its relationship to the Resurrection. But, in

making its transformation from the tadpole state to that of the frog, it was the figure of a still more

 

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important natural fact. This, in the Mythology, was applied to the transformation and renewal of the Moon,

and to the transformation of the Mortal into an Immortal in the Eschatology, a type of Ptah, who in one

form is portrayed as the frog-headed God.Lamps have been found in Egypt with the frog upon the upper

 

part, and one is known which has the legend , “I am the Resurrection.”

(Lanzone, Dizionario, page 853; Budge, The Mummy, page 266) – In this figure the lamp is equivalent for

the rising Sun, and the frog upon it is the type of Ptah, who in his solar character was the Resurrection

and the life in the Mythology before the image passed into the Eschatology, and the God who rose again

as Solar became the Light of the World in a Spiritual sense. The frog was a type of transformation, and

the Frog-headed Ptah made his transformation in Amenta to rise again as the opener of the Nether

Earth. And as he represented the Sun in Amenta, the frog, like the cynocephalus of Memphis (Rit., Ch.

42) was imaged as Golden. Thus we find the Sun in the lower Earth of two depicted in the Golden Frog,

and, as stated by John Bell, the [Page 12] Lamas had an idea that the earth rested on a Golden Frog, and

that when the Frog stretched out its foot there was an Earthquake. (“A Journey from St. Petersburgh to

Pekin in the year 1719.” Pinkerton’s Voyages,v.7, page, 369) Here the frog beneath the earth, like the

Tortoise, is Egyptian, and as such we can learn what fact in nature was represented by it as a zootype of

Ptah in the Nether World called the Earth of Eternity, where the typical tadpole that swam the waters

made its transformation into the frog that stretched itself out and set foot on land.

 

It is related in a Chinese legend that the lady, Mrs. Chang-ngo, obtained the drug of Immortality by

stealing it from Si Wang Nu, the Royal Mother of the West. With this she fled to the Moon, and was

changed into a Frog that is still to be seen on the surface of the orb. (Denny’s, Folk-Lore of China. P.

117). As Egyptian, the Mother of the West was the Goddess who received the setting Sun and

reproduced its light. The immortal liquor is the Solar Light. This was stolen for the Moon. Chang-ngo is

equivalent to the frog-headed Hekat who represented the resurrection. The frog in Egypt, was a sign of

“myriads” as well as of transformation. In the Moon it would denote myriads of renewals when periodic

repetition was a mode of immortality. Hekat the frog-headed is the original Cinderella. She makes her

transformation into Sati, the Lady of Light, whose name is written with an Arrow. Thus to mention only a

few of the lunar types, the Goddess Hekat represented the moon and its transformation as the Frog. Taht

and his Cynocephalus represented the man and his dog in the Moon. Osiris represented Lunar Light in

his character of the Hare-headed Un-Nefer, the up-springing Hare in the Moon. These are Egyptian

Zootypes to be read wherever found by means of the Egyptian Wisdom. Amongst other Hieroglyphic

Signs in the Language of Animals, the Head of a Vulture signifies victory (doubtless because of the bird’s

keen scent for blood). The sheathen claw is a determinative of peaceful actions. The hinder part of the

Lioness denotes the great magical power. The Tail of the Crocodile is a sign for black and for darkness.

An Ape is the ideograph of rage and a fiery spirit, or spirit of fire. The sparrow is a type of physical evil

because of its destructive nature in thieving corn – its name of “Tu-tu” signifies a kind of plague or

affliction of the fields. (Birch) The Water-wagtail is a type of moral evil. This bird, as Wilkinson pointed

out, is still called in Egypt the father of corruption (aboo fussad) It was regarded as the type of an impure

or wicked person, on account of its insidious suggestiveness of immoral motion. The extent to which

morals and philosophy were taught be means of these living object-pictures cannot now be measured,

but the moralizing fables spoken as well as acted by the typical animals still offer testimony, and

language is full of phrases which continue the zootypes into the world of letters, as when the greedy,

filthy man is called a hog, the grumpy man a bear, the cunning one a fox, the subtle and treacherous one

a snake.

 

In the folk lore of various races the human Soul takes the form of a Snake, a Mouse, a Swallow, a Hawk,

a Pigeon, a Bee, a Jackal, or other animal, each of which was an Egyptian zootype of some [Page 13]

 

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power or soul in Nature before there was any representation of the human Soul or Ancestral Spirit in the

human form. Hence we are told that when twins are born the Batavians believe that one of the pair is a

crocodile. Mr. Spencer accepts the “belief” and asks, “May we not conclude that twins, of whom one

gained the name of crocodile, gave rise to the legend which originated this monstrous belief?” (Data of

Sociology, ch. 22, par. 175). But all such representations are mythical and are not to be explicated by the

theory of “monstrous belief.” It is a matter of Sign-Language. The Batavians knew as well as we do that

no crocodile was ever born twin along with a human child. In this instance the poor things were asserting

in their primitive way that Man is born with or as a Soul. This the gnosis enables us to prove. One of the

earliest types of the Sun as a Soul of life in the water is a Crocodile. We see the Mother who brings forth

a Crocodile when the Goddess Neith is portrayed in human shape as the suckler of the young crocodiles

hanging at her breasts. Neith is the wet-nurse personified whose child was the young sun-god. As Sebek

he was imaged by the Crocodile that emerged from the waters at sun-rise. Sebek was at once the child

and the crocodile brought forth by the Great Mother in the mythology. And because the Crocodile had

imaged a Soul of Life in water, as a superhuman power, it became a representative, in Sign-Language, of

the human soul. We see this same type of a Soul in external nature applied to the human Soul in the

Book of the Dead, when Osiris in the Nether World exclaims, “I am the crocodile in the form of a man,”

that is as a Soul of which the Crocodile had been a symbol, as Soul of the Sun. It was thus the Crocodile

was born with the Child, as a matter of sign-language, not as a belief. The crocodile is commonly

recognized by the Congo natives as a type of Soul. Miss Kingsley tells of a Witch-Doctor who

administered emetics to certain patients and brought away young crocodiles. She relates that a Witch-

Doctor had been opened after death, when a winged Lizard-like thing was found in his inside which

Batanga said was his power. The power being another name for his Soul.

 

Mr. Spencer not only argues for the actuality of these “beliefs” concerning natural facts, supposed to

have been held by primitive men and scientific Egyptians, which vanish with a true interpretation of the

mythical mode of representation, he further insists that there seems to be, “ample justification for the

belief that any kind of creature may be transformed into any other “ because of the metamorphosis

observed in the insect world, or elsewhere. From which there resulted “the theory of metamorphosis in

general” and the notion “that things of all kinds may suddenly change their forms,” man of course

included. (Data, ch. 8, par. 55). But there was no evidence throughout all nature to suggest that any kind

of creature could be transformed into any other kind. On the contrary, nature showed them that the frog

was a tadpole continued; that the chrysalis was the prior status of the butterfly, and that the old Moon

changed into a New. The transformation was visible and invariable, and the product of transformation

was always the same kind. There was no sign of suggestion of an unlimited possibility in metamorphosis.

Neither was there ever a race of savages who did think or believe (in words of Mr. Spencer) [Page 14]

”that any kind of creature may be transformed into any other,”no more than there ever were boys who

believed that any kind of bird could lay any other kind of bird’s egg. They are too good observers for any

self-delusion as that.

 

Mythical representation did not begin with “stories of human adventure,” as Mr. Spencer puts it, nor with

human figures at all, but with phenomena of external nature, that were represented by means of animals,

birds, reptiles and insects, which had demonstrated the possession of superhuman faculties and powers.

The origin of various superstitions and customs seemingly insane can be traced to sign-language. In

many parts of England it is thought necessary to “tell the Bees” when a death has occurred in the house,

as to put the hives into mourning. The present writer has known the house-wife to sally forth into the

garden with warming-pan and key and strips of crape to “tell the Bees,” lest they should take flight, when

one of the inmates of the house died. We must seek an explanation for this in the symbolism of Egypt

 

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that was carried forth orally to the ends of the earth. The Bee was anciently a zootype of the Soul which

was represented as issuing forth from the body in that form or under that type. There is a tradition that

Bees alone of all animals descended from Paradise. In the Engadine, Switzerland, it is said that the

Souls of men go forth from this world and return to it in the form of Bees. Virgil, in the Fourth Book of the

Georgics, celebrates the Bee that never dies, but ascends alive into heaven. That is the typical Bee

which has an image of the Soul. It was the Soul, as Bee, that alone ascended into heaven or descended

from thence. The Bee is certainly one form of the Egyptian Abait, or Bird-fly, which is a guide and pilot to

the Souls of the dead on their way to the fields of Aarru. It was a figure of Lower Egypt as the land of

honey, thence a fitting guide to the celestial fields of the Aarru-Paradise. It looks as if the name for the

Soul, Ba, in Egyptian, may be identical with our word Bee. Ba, is honey determined by the Bee-sign, and

Ba is also the Soul. The Egyptians made use of honey as a means of embalming the dead. Thus the

Bee, as a zootype of the Soul, became a messenger of the dead and a mode of communication with the

ancestral Spirits. Talking to the Bees in this language was like speaking with the Spirits of the dead, and,

as it were, commending the departed one to the guidance of the Bees, who as honey gatherers naturally

knew the way to the Elysian fields and the meads of Amaranth that flowed with milk and honey. The type

is confused with the Soul when the Bee is invoked as follows:– “almost as if requesting the Soul of the

departed to watch forever over the living”:–

 

“ Bienchen, unser Herr ist todt,

Verlass mich nicht in meiner Noth.”

 

(Gubernatis, Zoological Mythy., v. 2, page 218) In the Ritual the Abait (as Bee or Bird-fly) is the conductor

of Souls to the celestial fields. When the Deceased is asked who conducted him thither, he replies, “It

was the Abait-deity who conducted me.” He also exclaims. “Hail to thee, who fliest up to heaven to give

light to the stars.” (Ch. 76. Renouf). Here the Bee or Bird-fly is a Solar type, and that which represented

the ascending sun in the mythology [Page 15] became a type of the Soul in the eschatology. Thus the

inventor of honey in this world led the way to the fields of flowers in the next.

 

Modern popular superstition to a large extent is the ancient symbolism in its second childhood. Here is a

case in point. The Cock having been a representative of Soul or Spirit, it is sure to be said that the

human Soul has entered the Cock by a kind of re-incarnation. Hence we read a legacy left to a Fowl by a

wealthy lady named Silva, of Lisbon, who held that the Soul of her dead husband survived in a Cock.

(Daily Mail, May 26th, 1892). So it has been with the zootypes of other elemental souls that were

continued for the human soul, from the Crocodile of the Batavians to the Red Mouse of the Germans.

Folk-lore is full of fables that originated in this language of signs.

 

The Jackal in the Egyptian representation is the guide of the Sun upon his pathway in Amenta, who takes

up the young child-Horus in his arms to carry him over the waters. In the Hottentot prototype the Jackal

finds the Sun in the form of a little child, and takes him upon his back to carry him. When the Sun grew

hot the Jackal shook himself and said “Get down.” But the Sun stuck fast and burnt the Jackal, so that he

has a long black stripe down his back to this day.(Bleek,Reynard,p.67). The same tale is told of the

Coyote or Prairie-dog, who takes the place of the jackal in the mythical legends of the Red Men. In the

Ritual the Jackal who carried Horus, the young Sun-god, had become the bearer and supporter of Souls.

In passing the place where the Dead fall into darkness, the Osiris says, “Apuat raiseth me up.” (Ch. 44)

And when the overwhelming waters of the Deluge burst forth, he rejoices, saying, “Anup is my bearer,”

(Rit. Ch. 64). Here as elsewhere, the mythical type extant with the earlier Africans had passed into the

 

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eschatology of the Egyptians.

 

 

The eternal contest betwixt the powers of light and darkness is also represented in the African folk-tales.

The Hare (or rabbit) Kalulu and the Dzimwi are two of the contending characters. The Hare, as in Egypt,

is typical of the Good Power, and no doubt is a zootype of the young up-springing Moon. The Dzimwi is

the Evil Power, like Apap, the Giant, the Ogre, the Swallower of the waters or the light.(Werner, “African

Folk-lore) Contemp. Rev. September, 1896). It is very cunning, but in the end is always outwitted by the

Hare. When the Dzimwi kills or swallows the Hare’s Mother it is the Dragon of darkness, or Eclipse,

devouring the Lunar light. The Moon-mythos is indefinitely older than the Solar, and the earliest slayer of

the Dragon was Lunar, the mother of the Young Child of Light. Here she is killed by the Dzimwi. Then

Kalulu comes with barbed arrow with which he pierces the Dzimwi through the heart. This is the battle of

Ra and Apap, or Horus and Sut, in the most primitive form, when as yet the powers were rendered non-

anthropomorphically. Again, the Monkey who is transformed into a man is a prototype of the Moon-god

Taht, who is a Dog-headed Ape in one character and a man in another. A young person refuses several

husbands. A Monkey then comes along. The beast takes the skin off his body, and is changed into a

Man. To judge [Page 16] from the Egyptian mythos, the young person was Lunar, and the Monkey

changing into a Man is Lunar likewise. One of the two won the Lady of Light in the Moon. This was the

Monkey that became a Man, as did the bear in “Beauty and the Beast.” In another tale obviously Luni-

Solar, that is with the Sun and Moon as the characters, a girl (that is the Moon) refused a husband (that

is the Sun). Thereupon she married a Lion; that is a Solar type. In other words, the Moon and Sun were

married in Amenta. This tale is told with primitive humor. When the wedded pair were going to bed she

would not undress unless he let her cut off his tail. For this remained un-metamorphosed when he

transformed into a Man. “When she found out that he was a lion, she ran away from that husband.” So in

a Hindu story a young woman refuses to marry the Sun because he is too fiery-hot. Even in the American

Negro stories of Brer Rabbit, Brer Fox, Brer Wolf, and Brer Terrapin the original characters of the typical

animals are still preserved as they were in the Egyptian mythology when divinised. The Turtle or Tortoise,

the wise and sagacious one, is the hider; the Fox, like the Jackal, Anup, is the cunning one. The Wolf is

the swallower, and the rabbit equates with the Hare, a type of the Good Osiris or of the African Kalulu.

 

Any number of current superstitions are the result of ignorance concerning the Ancient Wisdom, and one

of the worst results bequeathed to us by the past is to be found in our customs of cruelty to dumb

animals. These poor victims have had to suffer frightfully for the very service which they once rendered to

man as primitive types of expression in Sign-Language. In the Persian and Hebrew laws of Clean and

Unclean, many of the animals and birds that were once held sacred in Egypt for their symbolic value are

there condemned as unclean, to be cast out with curses; and so the real animals became the outcasts of

the mental world, according to the later religion, in the language of letters which followed and superseded

the carven hieroglyphics of the earlier time. The Ass has been a shameful sufferer from the part it played

in the primitive typology. Beating and kicking the ass used to be a Christian sport practised up and down

the aisles of Christian churches, the ass being a cast-out representative of an old Hebrew, and still older

Egyptian deity.

 

The cat is another sufferer for the same reason. The cat sees by night, and was adopted as a type of the

Moon that saw by night and kept watch in the dark. Now, witches are seers and foreseers, and whenever

they were persecuted and hounded to death the cat suffered with them, because she had been the type

and symbol of preter-human sight. These were modes of casting out the ancient fetish-images initiated

and enforced by the priesthood of a later faith. In Egypt, as Hor-Apollo tells us, the figure of a mouse

 

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signified a disappearance. Now, see how cruelly the little animal has been treated because it was a type

of disappearance. It was, and may be still, an English custom to charm away disease by making a hole in

the shrew-ash or witch-elm tree and shutting up a live shrew-mouse in it. In immuring the mouse in the

bole of the tree, the disappearing victim typified or [Page 17] enacted the desired disappearance of the

disease. That which had been a symbol in the past is now made use of alive in performing a symbolical

action in the present.

 

Much misery has been caused to human beings as well as animals through the misapplication of certain

mythical, that is symbolical characters. Plutarch tells us how the evil Sut (or Typhon) was humiliated and

insulted by the Egyptians at certain festivals, “when they abuse red-haired men and tumble an ass down

a precipice because Typhon was red-haired and like an ass in complexion.” ( Ch. 30). The fact is also

notorious in Europe that an evil character has been commonly ascribed to red-haired persons, with no

known warrant whatever from nature. They suffer for the symbol. Now for the origin of the symbol,

according to the Egyptian Wisdom. Sut, the treacherous opponent of Horus (Osiris in the later mythos),

was the Egyptian Judas. He betrayed his brother to his enemies the Sebau. He was of red complexion.

Hence the Red Ass and the red-haired people were his types. But the complexion and red hair of Sut

were not derived from any human origin. Sut was painted red, yellowish, or sandy, as representative of

the desert. He was the original devil in the wilderness, the cause of drought, and the creator of thirst. As

the Hippopotamus, Sut, like Apt the Mother, was of a red complexion. As the betrayer of his brother

Osiris, Sut was brought on with the Jesus-legend in the character of Judas, the traitor; hence in the

Miracle-plays and out-of-door customs, Judas true to the Sut-Typhonian tradition, is always red-haired or

wears a red wig. Thus, in our pictures of the past the typical traitor still preserves his proper hue, but in

the belief of the ignorant the clue is lost and the red-haired people come to be the Viva Effigies of Sut,

the Egyptian Judas, as a human type of evil.

 

Folk-lore in many lands is the final fragmentary form in which the ancient wisdom – the Wisdom of old

Egypt – still survives as old wives’ fables, parables, riddles, allegorical sayings, and superstitious beliefs,

consecrated by the ignorance which has taken the place of primitive knowledge concerning the mythical

mode of representation; and from lack of the lost key, the writers on this subject have become the

sheerest tale-bearers whose gossip is full of scandal against primitive and ancient man. But not in any

land or language can the Märchen tell us anything directly concerning themselves. They have lost the

memory of their meaning. It is only in the Mythos that we can ascertain their original relationship to

natural fact and learn that the people who repeat the folk-tales were not always natural fools. It is only in

the Egyptian Wisdom that the key is to be found.

 

On of the most universal of the Folk-Tales which are the débris of Mythology is that of the Giant who had

no heart (or spark or soul) in his body. The Apap-Dragon, in Africa, was the first of all the Giants who has

no heart in his body, no root in reality, being as he is only the representation of non-existence, drought,

darkness, death and negation. To have no heart in the body is an Egyptian expression for lack of

understanding and want of nous. As it is said in the Anastasi Papyri of the Slave who is driven with a stick

and beaten like the Ass, “He has indeed no heart in his body.” It was this [Page 18] lack of intelligence that

made the Giant of the Märchen such a big blundering booby, readily out-witted by clever little Jack, Horus

or Petit Yorge, the youthful Solar God; and so easily cajoled by the fair princess of Lunar Lady who is

held a captive in his dungeon underground. In one of the Tartaro-Legends told in Basque the Hero fights

“a body without a soul.” When the monster is coming it is said of him “ he is about to come, this horrible

body without a soul.” In another tale the seven-headed serpent, Heren-Suge, bemoans his fate that he

 

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hasn’t “a spark betwixt his head and tail”; if he had he would burn up Petit Yorge, his lady, his horse, and

his terrible dog. In this version the Monster is a serpent equivalent to the Apap-Reptile or Dragon of

drought and darkness, which in the Kamite mythos has no soul in its body, because it is an image of

darkness and negation.

 

Most of the characters and localities, the scenery and imagery of these Märchen belong to the Egyptian

Mythos. The Lake is also African, as the typical great water of those who had never seen the Ocean. It

remained the same type with the Egyptians after they did know the Great Green Water of the

Mediterranean Sea. In such ways they have preserved their proofs of the Inner African beginnings with

an adamantine unchangeableness. The lake of the Goose or Duck is referred to in the Ritual. (Ch. 109)

The Sun was imaged as a Golden Egg laid by the Duck or Goose. The hill or island standing in the lake

is the Earth considered as a Mount of the Double Earth in the Kamite Eschatology. The Snake or Dragon

in the Lake, or coiling about the Mount or round the Tree, is the Apap-Reptile in the Water of Darkness

who coils about the Hill at Sunset (Rit. Ch., 108) or attacks the Tree of Life which is an image of the

Dawn, the Great Green Sycamore of Hathor. Earth itself was imaged as a Goose that rested on the Nun

or the Waters of Space. This was the ancient Mother Goose that every morning laid her Golden Egg. The

Sun sinking down into the underworld is described in the Ritual as “the Egg of the Great Cackler”: “ The

Egg which Seb hath parted from the earth.” (Rit., ch. 54) The Giant with no heart or Soul is a figure of

Darkness as the devouring Monster with no Sun (or Soul) in his body. Hence the heart or Soul that was

hidden in the Tree, or in the Egg of the Bird far away. The Sun is the Egg that was laid by the Goose of

Earth that brought forth the Golden Egg. This Soul of the Giant, Darkness, was not the personal soul of

any human being whatsoever, and the only link of relationship is when the same image of a Soul in the

Egg is applied to the Manes in the dark of death. The Soul of the Sun in the Egg is the Soul of Ra in the

underworld of Amenta; and when the Sun issues from the Egg (as a hawk) it is the death of Darkness the

Monster.

 

Our forebears and forerunners were not so far beside themselves as to believe that if they had a Soul at

all, it was outside of their own bodies hidden somewhere in a tree, in a bird, in an egg, in a hare, in a

duck, a crocodile, or any other zootype that never was supposed to be the dwelling of the human Soul. In

the Basque story of Marlbrook the Monster is slain by being struck on the forehead with an egg that was

found in a Pigeon, that was found in a Fox, that was [Page 19] found in a terrible Wolf in a forest.

(Webster, p. 83). However represented, it was the Sun that caused the Monster’s death. So in the Norse

Tales the Troll or Ogre bursts at sight of dawn, because his death was in the Solar orb that is represented

by the Kamite Egg of the Goose. The Giant of darkness is inseparable from the young hero or the solar

God who rises from Amenta as his valiant conqueror. These being the two irreconcilable enemies, as

they are in the Ritual, it follows that the Princess who finally succeeds in obtaining the Giant’s secret

concerning the hiding place of his heart in the egg of a bird is the Lunar Lady in Amenta who, as Hathor,

was the Princess by name when she had become the daughter of Ra. She outwits the Apap, who is her

swallower at the time of the eclipse, and conveys the secret knowledge to the youthful solar hero who

overcomes the Giant by crushing his heart in the egg. In fighting with the Monster, the Basque Hero is

endowed with the faculty of transforming into a Hawk! The Hawk says to him – “When you wish to make

yourself a Hawk, you will say, “Jesus Hawk,” and you will be a Hawk.” The Hawk of Jesus takes the place

of the Horus-Hawk, just as the name of Malboro is substituted for that of the Hero who is elsewhere Petit

Yorge = Little Horus. (Webster, Basque Legends, p. 80-83) Horus, like the hero of these tales, is human

on earth, and he transforms into the Hawk when he goes to fight the Apap-Monster in Amenta. In the

Basque version the human hero transforms into a Hawk, or, as it is said, “the young Man made himself a

hawk,” just as the human Horus changed into the Golden Hawk: and then flew away with the Princess

 

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clinging firmly to his neck. And here the Soul that was in the egg is identified as the Hawk itself. At least it

is when the egg is broken with the blow struck by the Princess on the Giant’s forehead that the Hero

makes his transformation into the Hawk. In the mythology it was the bird of earth that laid the egg, but in

the eschatology when the egg is hatched it is the Bird of Heaven that rises from it as the Golden Hawk.

The Hawk of the Sun is especially the Egyptian Bird of Soul, although the Dove or pigeon also was a

type of the Soul that was derived from Hathor. In the Märchen the Duck takes the place of the Goose. But

these are co-types in the mythos.

 

In the Egyptian, Horus pierces the Apap-Dragon in the eye and pins his head to the earth with a lance.

The mythical mode of representation went on developing in Egypt, keeping in touch with the advancing

arts. The weapon of the Basque Hero was earlier than the lance or spear of Horus; it is a stake of wood

made red-hot. With this he pierces the huge monster in the eye and burns him blind. The Greek version

of this is too well known to call for repetition here, and the Basque lies nearer to the original Egyptian. It

is more important to identify the eye and the blazing stake. Horus, the young Solar God, is slayer of the

Apap by piercing him in the eye. The Apap is the Giant, the Dragon, the serpent of darkness, and the eye

of Apap was thought of as the eye of a serpent that was huge enough to coil round the mountain of the

world, or about the Tree of Life and Light which had its rootage in the nether earth. This, on the horizon,

was the Tree of dawn. The stake is a reduced form of the tree that was figured in the green of dawn. The

typical tree was a weapon of the [Page 20] ancient Horus who is described as fighting Sut with a branch of

palm, which also is a reduced form of the tree. The tree of dawn upon the horizon was the weapon of the

solar God with which he pierced the dragon of darkness and freed the mountain of earth and the

Princess in Amenta from its throttling, crushing, reptilinear coils. This tree conventionalized in the stake

made red-hot in the furnace, formed the primitive weapon with which Horus or Ulysses or the Tartaro put

out the Monster’s eye, and pierced the serpent’s head to let forth the waters of light once more and to

free the lady from her prison in the lower world. When the Apap-Monster in the cave of darkness was

personified in something like the human shape, the Giant as reptile in the earliest representation passed

into the Giant as a Monster in the form of a magnified man called the Cyclops and named Polyphemus.

In one of the African Folk-Tales the little hero Kalulu slays the monster by thrusting a red-hot boulder

down the devourer’s throat. This is a type of the red-hot solar orb which the Power of darkness tried to

swallow, and thus put out the light.

 

The lunar lady, as well as the solar hero, is the dragon-slayer in the Basque legends. In one of these, the

loathly reptile lies sleeping with his head in the lap of the beautiful lady. The hero descends to her

assistance in the Underworld. She tells him “be off.” - “The Monster“ has only three-quarters of an hour to

sleep”, she says, “and if he wakes it is all over with you and me”. It is the Lunar Lady who worms the

great secret out of the Monster concerning his death, when he confesses where his heart lies hidden. “At

last, at last,” he tells her, “you must kill a terrible wolf which is in the forest, and inside of him is a fox, and

in the fox is a pigeon; this pigeon has an egg in its head, and whoever should strike me on the forehead

with this egg would kill me.” The Hero, having become a hawk, secures the egg and brings it to the

“young lady,” and having done his part hands over the egg and says to her, “At present it is your turn; act

alone” Thus it appears that the egg made use of by the Prince to kill the Giants is the Sun, and that made

use by the Princess was the Lunar orb. Here we have “the egg of the sun and the moon” which Ptah is

said to have moved in the Beginning. “She strikes the Monster as he had told her, and he falls stark

dead.” (Webster, “Malbrouk”). The Dragon was known in Britain as the typical cause of drought and the

devourer of nine maidens who had gone to fetch water from the spring before he was slain by Martin.

These are representative of nine New-Moons renewed at the source of light in the Nether World. Dr.

Plott, in his History of Cambridgeshire, (p 349) mentions the custom at Burford of making a dragon

 

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annually and “carrying it up and down the town in great jollity, on Midsummer Eve, to which he says, not

knowing for what reason, “they added a Giant.” (Brand, “Midsummer Eve”). Both the Dragon and the

Giant signified the same Monster that swallowed the water and devoured the givers of light, lunar or

solar, the dragon being a zoomorphic type and the Giant hugely anthropomorphic. Instead of saying nine

Moons passed into the dark, as a mode of reckoning the months, it might be said, that Nine Maidens

were devoured by the Dragon of darkness. The Myth originated when Darkness was the devouring Giant

and the weapon of the warrior was a stone that imaged the Solar orb. In the [Page 21] contest of the

young and ruddy hero David with the Giant Goliath the Hebrew Version of the Folk-Tale still retains the

primitive feature of the stone.

 

We know the universal Monster of the Evil reptile of the Dark, for ever warring with the Light, that also

drinks the water which is the life of vegetation, as the Fiery Dragon of Drought. But there is a very

primitive version extant amongst the Australian aborigines, the Andaman Islanders, and the red men, in

which a gigantic Frog drinks up all the waters in the world. Here the Frog plays the part of the Apapmonster

that swallows the waters at sundown and is pierced and cut in pieces coil by coil to set them

flowing freely at the return of day, either by the Hawk of Ra or the Cat or by Horus, the anthropomorphic

hero. In the Andaman version of the conflict between the bird of Light and the Devil of Darkness the

waters are drunk up and withheld by a big Toad. An Iroquois or Huron form of this mythical representation

also shows the devouring monster as a gigantic Frog that drank up all the water of the world. The

Aborigines of Lake Tyers likewise relate that once on a time there was no water anywhere on the surface

of the whole earth. This had all been drunk up and was concealed in the body of a monstrous Frog. The

Dragon of the waters, is also a denizen of the Holy well in Britain; and here again the evil power of

drought and darkness is represented by the Devil in the form of a Frog as presiding spirit of the water. In

the well on the Devil’s Causeway between Ruckley and Acton there is supposed to be a huge Frog which

represents the devil, that is, the hostile power of drought. The proper time for the malevolent Frog to be

seen would be when the Well was dried up in times of great drought, hence he is but seldom seen in a

rainy climate like ours. (Burne, Shropshire Folklore, p. 428). The Frog still suffers even in this

“enlightened land” of ours for supplying a zootype of the Evil Power. It is yet a provincial sport for country

louts to “hike the Toad,” that is by jerking it high in the air from the end of a plank as a mode of appealing

to Heaven for rain and the kind of weather they wanted. Even so, poor Froggy has to walk the plank and

suffer in the present for having been a representative in the past of the Monster that drank up all the

water. The Orinoco Indians used to keep Toads in vessels, not to worship them, but to have them at hand

as representatives of the Power that drank up the Water or kept back the rain; and in time of drought the

Toads were beaten to procure the much-desired rain. (Bastian).

 

In various countries the Monster of the Dark was represented by an animal entirely black. This in Egypt

was the black Boar of Sut. And what these customs signified according to the Wisdom of Egypt they

mean elsewhere. When the Timorese are direfully suffering from lack of rain, they offer up a black Pig as

a sacrifice. The Black Pig was slain just as Apap was pierced because it imaged the dark power that

once withheld the waters of day and now denies the rain, or the Water of Life. In Sumatra it is the black

Cat that typifies the inimical Power which withholds the rain. Women go naked or nearly so to the river,

and wade in it as a primitive mode of sacrifice or solicitation. Then a black Cat is thrown into the Water

and forced to swim for its life, like the Witch in the European custom. [Page 22] The Black Goat, the Black

Pig, and the Black Cat are all Typhonian types of the same symbolic value as the Black Boar of Sut or

the Apap-Dragon. In each case the representative of the dark and evil Power was slain or thrown into the

water as a propitiation to the beneficent Power that gave the rain. Slaying the type of Drought was a

means of fighting against the Power of evil and making an appeal to the Good Spirit. It was a primitive

 

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mode of Casting out Satan, the Adversary, in practical Sign-Language.

 

 

The giant or ogre of mythology was a result of humanizing the animal types. At first the Apap-reptile rose

up vast, gigantic, as the swallowing darkness or devouring dragon. This when humanized, became the

giant, the magnified non-natural ogre of a man that takes the monster’s place in later legendary lore. The

Apap-dragon coiled about the mount was the keeper of the treasures in the nether-world. So is it with the

giant. In “Jack the Giant-Killer,” it is said “the mount of Cornwall was kept by a huge giant named

Cormoran.” Jack, our little solar hero, asked what reward would be given to the man who killed

Cormoran. “The giant’s treasure,” they told him, would be the reward. Quoth Jack, “ Then let me

undertake it.” After he had slain the giant, Jack went to search the cave, which answers to Amenta in the

lower earth, in which the treasure was concealed. This was the treasure of light and water that had been

hidden by the giant in his lair.

 

The Aryan fairy-tales and folk-tales can be unriddled in the Kamite mythos which was based on the

phenomena of external nature. It is the Moon, for instance, who was a woman one half the time and a

frog or serpent during the other half. In the first character she was Sati, the lady of light. In the second

half of the lunation she was the frog that swam the waters of the nether earth and made her

transformation as Hekat in Amenta. Some writers have denounced the savage brutality and obscenity of

those whom they look upon as the makers of mythology. But in all this they have been spitting beside the

mark. Moreover, the most repulsive aspects do not belong to mythology proper, but are mainly owing to

the decadence and degradation of the matter in the Märchen. Also to the change which the mythos

suffered in passing from the zoomorphic mode of representation. There is neither morality nor immorality

so long as the phenomena are non-human and the drama is performed by the primitive actors. But when

the characters are humanized or divinised, in human form the re-cast may be fatal to the mythical

meaning; primitive simplicity is apparently converted into senseless absurdity, and the drama of the

nature-powers turned into a masquerade of monsters. Plutarch will furnish us with an illustration which

these idiotai might have selected for an example. When speaking of the elder Horus who “came into the

world before his time” as the phantom-forerunner of the true light, he says that Osiris had accompanied

with Isis (his spouse) after her decease. Which looks very ominous for the morals of the “Myth-makers”

who could ascribe such immorality to their Gods. Is it not a fair deduction from a datum like that to infer

that the Egyptians were accustomed to cohabit with the corpses of their dead women? Obviously that is

one of the possible implications. Especially as Osiris, according to Spencer, was once a man! [Page 23]

But now for an explanation on the plain ground of natural fact. Isis, in one character, was the Mother-

Moon, the reproducer of the light in Amenta; the place of conjunction and of re-begettal by the Sun-god,

when Osiris entered the Moon, and she became the Woman who was clothed with the Sun. At the end of

a lunation the old Moon died and became a corpse – it is at times portrayed as a mummy – in the

underworld, and there it was revivified by Osiris, the solar fecundator of the Moon who was the Mother

that brought forth the child of light, the “Cripple-deity” that was naturally enough begotten in the dark.

(Plutarch). But worse still. When Osiris lay helpless and breathless in Amenta with a “Corpse-like face”

(Rit., ch., lxxiv) – his two wives who are likewise his daughters came to co-habit with him, and raise him

from the dead, or re-erect him like, and as, the Tat. It is said of Isis she “raised the remains of the God of

the resting heart and extracted his seed to beget an heir,” or to make him human by reincarnation in the

flesh. (Hymn to Osiris, Records, line 16, p. 102, Volume Iv., first series; Volume Iv., p. 21, second series).

In this phase it is the female who cohabits with the Corpse of the dead Male. But in neither were the

actors of the drama human, although they are humanized in the Märchen. The Mythos is repeated and

applied in a Semitic Folk-Tale when Lot’s two Daughters are “with Child by their father.” (Gen., xix, 36).

The difference being that Osiris as father in the Mysteries of Amenta was dead at the time, whereas in

 

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the irresponsible Märchen, Lot is represented as dead-drunk.

 

 

The Myths are not to be explained by means of the Märchen; not if you collect and compare the Nursery-

Tales of all the world. But we can explain the Märchen more or less by aid of the Myths, or rather the

mythical representation in which we can once more recover the lost key. The Aryan Folk-Tales, for

example are by no means a faithful reflection of the world as it appeared to the primitive mind. They are

not a direct reflection of anything; they are refracted mythology, and the representation in mythology is

not direct, not literal, but mystical. Egyptian mythology, and all it signifies, lies between the Aryan or other

folk-tales and Primitive Man. The Märchen are not the oldest or most primitive form of the Myth; they are

the latest. The coinage is the same, but the primitive impress is greatly worn down, and the features are

often well nigh effaced. In the Märchen, the Ancient Wise Woman or old Mother goes on telling her tales,

but the memory of their meaning has lapsed by reason of her age. Whereas in the Ritual the

representation is still preserved and repeated accurately according to knowledge. The Mythos passes

into the Folk-Tale, not the Folk-Tale into the Mythos.

 

In Egyptian Sign-Language, the earliest language of Mythology, the Sun was represented, in the fulness

of its power, by the Lion. When it went down to the Underworld by night or in the winter time it was

imaged as the disappearing Mouse. Ra was the Lion: Horus was the Mouse: the blind Shrew-Mouse

being a type Horus darkling in Amenta. Ra as the Solar Lion lost his power in the Underworld and was as

the animal in the hunter’s toils. Then Horus the Little Hero as the Shrew-Mouse came to deliver the

entangled Lion. Under the type of the Mongoose or Ichneumon [Page 24] the little hero attacked the

serpent of Darkness: and, as the mouse, it was the deliverer of the Lion in the Mythos. But when or

where the wisdom was no longer taught in the mysteries the Gnosis naturally lapsed. The Myth became

a Folk-Tale or a legend of the nursery, and passed into the fable of the mouse that nibbled the cord in two

which bound the captured Lion and set the mighty beast at liberty. Thus the Mythos passed into the

Märchen, and the Mysteries still clung on for very life in the Moralities.

 

The Ass in a male form is a type of Tum the Sun-God in Amenta. A vignette to the Ritual shows the Ass

being devoured by the serpent of darkness called the eater of the Ass. (Ch. 40) The Ass then in the

Egyptian mythos represents the Sun-God Tum, Greek Tomos, passing through the nether-world by night.

It is Tum in his character of Aiu or Iu who is also represented on the tomb of Rameses the Sixth as a god

with the ears of an Ass, hauling at the rope by which the Sun is drawn up from Amenta, the lower Egypt

of the mythos. Atum, or Tum, is the Old Man of the setting Sun and Aiu is his Son. Thus the three

characters of the Old man, his Son, and the Ass can be identified with Atum-Aiu = Osiris and Horus; and

the nocturnal Sun or the Sun of Winter with the slow motion which constitutes the difficulty of getting the

Ass forward in the fable. This difficulty of getting the Ass along, whether ridden by Tum the father or

pulled along by his Son, was illustrated in a popular pastime, when on the eighth day of the festival of the

Corpus Domini the people of Empoli suspended the Ass aloft in the air and made it fly perforce in

presence of the mocking multitude. Gubernatis says the Germans of Westphalia “made the Ass a symbol

of the dull St. Thomas, and were accustomed to call it by the name of “the Ass Thomas,” the laggard boy

who came the last to school upon St. Thomas’s Day.” (Zoological Mythology, vol. I, p. 362) But we find

and earlier claimant than this for the “Ass Thomas” – in Tum or Tomos, the Kamite Solar God, who made

the passage of Amenta very slowly with the Ass, or as it was represented, riding on the Ass; and

therefore for the Greek Fable of he old Man and his Ass.

 

The birth of a Folk-tale may be seen in the legend of “The Sleeping beauty.” When it was known that the

renewing Moon derived her glory from the procreative Sun, their meeting in the Underworld became a

 

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fertile source of legends that were mothered by the Myth. The Moon-Goddess is the lovely lady sleeping

in Amenta waiting for her deliverer, the Young Solar God, to come and wake her with the Lover’s kiss.

She was Hathor, called the Princess in her Lunar character; and he was the all-conquering Horus. It was

a legend of resurrection which at first was Soli-Lunar in the Mythos; afterwards a symbolic representation

of the Soul that was awakened from the Sleep of death by Horus in his rôle of Savior or Deliverer of the

Manes in Amenta. So the Mythos faded in the fairy-tale.

 

It is a cardinal tenet of the present work that the Aryan Märchen and European folk-lore were derived

from the Egyptian Mythology. This might be illustrated without end. For example, there is a classical

tradition of Folk-Tale, repeated by Pliny (Hist. Nat., 7,3), which tells of a time when a Mother in Egypt

bore seven children at [Page 25] one birth. Of course this legend had no origin in natural history. Such a

birth belongs to mythology in which the Mother of seven children at a birth was primarily, the bringer-forth

of seven elemental powers, who can be traced as such, in all their seven characters. The One great

Mother with her seven sons constituted a primary Ogdoad. She survived in a Gnostic form as Achamoth-

Ogdoas, Mother of the seven Rulers of the heptanomis. “This Mother,” says Irenaeus (B. I., ch. V. 2,3),

“they call Ogdoas, Sophia, Earth, Jerusalem.” Jerusalem is identified by Jeremiah with the ancient

Mother who was the bringer-forth of seven sons as the “ Mother of the young men,” she that hath born

Seven,” who now giveth up the Ghost. (Ch. Xv, 8). This Mother of seven also appears as the Great Harlot

in the Book of Revelation who is the Mother of the Seven Kings which were at the same time seven

heads of the Solar Dragon, and also seven Consorts who were born children of the Old Great Mother.

These were “the Seven Children of the Thigh” in the Astronomical Mythology. Thus the Ancient Genetrix

was the Mother who brought forth Seven Children at a birth, or as a companionship, according to the

category of phenomena. Her seven children were the Nature-Powers of all Mythology. They are variously

represented under divers types because the powers were reborn in different phenomena. We shall find

them grouped as seven serpents, seven apes, seven jackals, seven crocodiles, hippopotami, hawks,

bulls or rams, who become Seven children of the Mother when the myth is rendered anthropomorphically

in the later forms of the Märchen, amongst which there is a Bengalee folk-tale of a Boy who was suckled

by seven Mothers. (Lal Behari Day, Folk Tales of Bengal). And this boy of the Märchen can be identified

with child-Horus in the astronomical mythos, as “the Bull of the seven cows”. The seven cows were

grouped in the Great Bear as a seven-fold figure of Motherhood. The cows were also called the seven

Hathors who presided over the birth of the child as seven fates in the Egyptian theology. And in later

legends there are the seven Mothers of one child. When he became a child they were the seven women

who ministered to him of their substance in a very literal manner. The seven givers of liquid life to the

nursling were portrayed as women in Amenta; the seven Hathors who were present as Fates, at childbirth;

and as cows in the constellation of the Great Bear. The sucklers might be imaged as seven women,

seven cows, seven sows. Thus the Romans had evidently heard of them as a seven-fold form of Rerit

the sow, a co-type with the Cow. The Bengalee Folk-Tale, shows the Egyptian Mythos reduced to the

stage of the Aryan Märchen. The typical seven Mothers of the child also survive amongst the other

curiosities of Christianity. It is said in the Gospel of he nativity (ch, viii.)– that Mary “the virgin of the Lord”

had been brought up with seven other virgins in the Temple. Also there are seven women in the Gospels

who minister to Jesus of their substance. Again we are able to affiliate the folk-tale with the original

mythos. After which it is of little importance to out inquiry which country the Aryan Märchen came from

last. The Seven Hathors or Cows in the Mythos are also the Seven Fates in attendance at the birth of a

Child; and in the Babar Archipelago Seven [Page 26] Women, each of them carrying a sword, are present

when a child is born, who mix the placenta with ashes and put it into a small basket, which they hang up

in a particular kind of tree. These likewise are a form of the seven Hathors who were present at Childbirth

as the Seven Fates in the Mythos. In such ways the Kamite Mythos passed into the Aryan Märchen.

 

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The Child who had no father had been mythically represented as the Fertiliser of the mother when in

utero, like Ptah, the God in embryo. Hence he was called the Bull of his Mother. But why the Bull?

Because this was not the human Child. It was Horus as the calf, born of the Cow and a pre-human type,

when the fatherhood was not yet individualized. The Solar God at Sunset made his entrance into the

breeding-place of the nether world, and is said to prepare his own generation for rebirth next day, but not

in human guise. The bull of his Mother is shown upon the horizon as Horus the calf. But when the

persons and transactions are presented anthropomorphically, in accordance with the human terminology

the calf, which had no Father but was his own bull, becomes the child who was born without a father.

Thus the mythos passes into the Märchen or legendary lore, and the child who fecundated his own

Mother takes a final form as the Boy-lover of Venus, Ishtar, or Hathor, the divine Mother, and the subject

culminated in literature, as (for example) in Shakespeare’s poem of “Venus and Adonis,” which is at root

mythology fleshed in a human form. Again and again the Egyptian Mythos furnishes a prototype that will

suffice to account for a hundred Folk-tales. For another instance, take the legend of the child that was

predestined to be a King in spite of the Monster, pursuing the Mother, or lying in wait to devour and

destroy the infant from before its birth. Har-Ur, or Horus the Elder, was that Child in the mythos. The title

of Repa will identify the Child born to be King as that signifies the Heir-apparent, or the Prince who was

predestined to become the King. An instructive example of the way in which the Mythos, that we look on

as Egyptian, was dispersed and spread in Folk-Tales over the whole world may be seen in the legend of

the combat betwixt a Father and Son. The story has attained to somewhat of an Epical dignity in Matthew

Arnold’s poem of “Sohrab and Rustum.” It is also found in many parts of the world, including New

Zealand. Briefly summarized, the story, in legendary lore, is that of the Son who does not know his own

Father. In the Maori tale of “Kokako” the boy is called a Bastard. Also in the tale of Peho the child is a

Bastard. This is a phrase in later language to describe the boy whose birth was Matriarchal when the

Father was unknown individually. But such a legend as this, when found in Folk-Lore does not come

straight out of local Sociology or Ethnology in any country. We have to reckon with the rendering of the

natural fact in the Astronomical Mythology of Egypt. In the olden day of indefinite paternity, when the

Father was personally unknown it was likewise unknown that the child of light born and reborn in the

Moon was the Son of the Solar God. This was a Mythical Son who could not know his own Father. The

earliest Son in sociology or mythology did not know his own Father. The elder Horus was the Mother’s

child, who was born not begotten. Now, a child whose [Page 27] father is unknown is called a Bastard.

Thus Horus was a Bastard born, and it was flung at him by Sut that he was a Bastard. Also in Jewish

legend, Jesus is called the Mamzer or Bastard. Thus, the child of the Mother only was the Bastard, just

as the Mother who was “na wife” came to be called the Harlot. The present writer has no knowledge of a

Folk-Tale version of the legend being extant in Egyptian. This does not belong to the kind of literature that

was preserved in the sanctity of the coffins and tombs, as was the Book of the Dead. But the essentials

are extant, together with the explanation in natural fact, in the ancient Luni-Solar-Mythos. Horus the

Bastard was a child of light that was born of Isis in the Moon, when the Moon was the Mother of the child

and the father-source of light was unidentified. But sooner or later there was a secret knowledge of the

subject. For instance, in the story told by Plutarch, it is said that Taht the Moon-god, cleared the character

of the Mother by showing that Horus was not a Bastard, but that Ra, the Solar-God was his true Father. It

is still continued to be told in various Folk-Tales that the woman was no better than a wanton in her

wooing of a man whom she seeks or solicits as her paramour. This character may be traced in the

mythology. It is the Lady of Light in the Moon who pursues and seduces the Solar God in the darkness of

Amenta, and who exults that she has seized upon the God Hu and taken possession of him in the vale of

Abydos where she went to lie down and sought to be replenished with his light. (Ritual, ch., lxxx). Child-

Horus always remains a child, the child of twelve years, who at that age transforms into the Adult and

finds his Father. So when he is twelve years of age, the boy Jokull in an Icelandic version of the Folk-Tale

goes in search of his Father. They fight and the Son is slain, at least he dies after living for three nights.

In other versions the fight betwixt Father and Son is continued for three days. This is the length of time

 

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for the struggle of Osiris in death and darkness who rises again as Lord of Light in the Moon and now is

recognized as the Father of Horus, who was previously the Mother’s child that knew not his Father.

Moreover, in the Märchen it is sometimes the father who is killed in combat, at other times it is the Son.

And, in the Mythos, Osiris the Father rises again upon the third day in the Moon, but at other times he

rises as Horus the triumphant Son. A legend like this of the combat between the Father and son does not

originate in history, much less does it rise from a hundred different Ethnological sources, as the folklorists

would have us think. In the Folk-Tales there are various versions of the same subject; the mythos

is one, and in that oneness must the origin be sought for the Märchen. This origin of our Folk-Lore may

be found a hundred times over in the “Wisdom” of old Egypt. The Tale of the Two Brothers furnishes a

good example of the Egyptian Mythos reappearing in the Folk-Tale. In this there are two brothers named

Anup, the elder, and Bata, the younger. Anup, has a wife who falls in love with Bata, and solicits him

illicitly. “And she spoke to him saying, What strength there is in thee, indeed, I observe thy vigor every

day.” Her heart knew him. She seized upon him and said to him, “Come, let us lie down for a while.

Better for thee ... beautiful clothes.” Like Joseph in the Hebrew version, the youth [Page 28] rejected the

advances of the lady. He “became like a panther,” in his fury at her suggestion. Like Potiphar’s wife, she

charges him with violating and doing violence to her. We shall have to return to the story. Let it suffice for

the present to say that the “tale of the two brothers” in the Märchen is derived in the course of a long

descent from the myth of Sut and Horus, the Brothers who were represented later as Anup and Horus,

also as the Horus of both Horizons. The elder brother Anup corresponds to Sut, who in one form is Anup;

the younger Bata, to the Sun-god Horus of the East. The name Bata signifies the Soul (ba) of life in the

earth (ta) as a title of the Sun that rises again. On this account it is said that Bata goes to “the Mountain

of Cedar,” in the flower of which upon the summit lies his heart, or soul, or virile force; the power of his

resurrection as the Solar God. Hence Bata says to Anup, “Behold, I am about to become a Bull.” And he

was raised by Ra to the dignity of hereditary Prince as ruler of the whole land, over which he reigned for

thirty years. As myth, such Märchen are interpretable wheresoever they are found. The Solar Power on

the two horizons or the Sun with a dual face was represented by the two Brothers who are twins, under

whichever name or type, who were earlier than Ra. One is the lesser, darkling and infertile Sun of Night,

or of Autumn; the other is the Victor in the Resurrection. These were associated in Amenta with the

Moon, the Lady of the Lunar light, who is described with them in Chapter lxxx., of the Ritual as uniting

herself with the two Brother-Gods who were Sut and Horus. She is wedded to the one but is in love with

the other. Whether as Sut or Elder Horus, her consort was her im-pubescent child; and she unites with

Hu the Virile Solar God and glories in his fertilizing power. She confesses that she has seized upon Hu

and taken possession of him in the vale of Abydos when she sank down to rest. Her object being to

engender light from his potent Solar source, to illuminate the night, and overthrow the devouring Monster

of the dark. This is true mythos which is followed afar off by the folk-lore of the Tale. There was no need

to moralize as this was Egyptian mythology, not semitic history.

 

When the Aryan philologists have done their worst with the subject and the obscuration has passed

away, it will be seen that the Legend of Daphne was a transformation that originated in the Egyptian

mythos. Ages before the legend could have been poetised in Greece, Daphne was extant as an Egyptian

Goddess ta or Tefnut by name, who was a figure of the Green Egyptian Dawn. (Birch, Dictionary of

Hieroglyphics). The Green tree was also a type of the Dawn in Egypt. The transformation of the Goddess

into the Tree is a bit of Greek fancy-work which was substituted for the Kamite Gnosis of the Myth. Max

Müller asked how the “total change of a human being or a heroine into a tree” is to be explained.

Whereas Daphne never was a human being any more than Hathor, in her Green Sycamore, or Tefnut in

the Emerald Sky of the Egyptian Dawn. The roots of these things lie far beyond the Anthropomorphic

representation, and in a region where the plummet of the Aryanists has never sounded.As the Egyptians

apprehended, the foremost characteristic of the dawn was its dewy moisture and [Page 29] refreshing

 

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coolness, not its consuming fire. The tree of dewy coolness, the Sycamore of Hathor, or of Tefnut, was

the evergreen of Dawn, and the evergreen as fuel may be full of fire, like the Ash or the Laurel into which

Apollo turned the young divinity who was Daphne in Greece and Tafne in Egypt. And if Apollo be the

youthful Sun-God, like Horus, on the horizon, who climbs the Tree of Dawn, the dews would be dried by

him; otherwise the tree of Moisture would be transformed into a tree of fire, and assume the burning

nature of the Laurel, as in the Greek story. It was the Sun that kindled the fire, and as the Sun climbed up

the Tree the Dews of Tefnut dried. It was not the Dawn quâ Dawn that was changed into a Laurel, but the

cool Green Tree of Dew = Tafne = Daphne , or the Dawn that was dried and turned into the Tree of

blazing lustre by the Solar fire, or the Sun, i.e., by Horus or Apollo when personified. The Water of

Heaven and the Tree of Dawn precede personification, and the name of Tefnut, from Tef (to drip, drop,

spit, exude, shed, effuse, supply) and Nu, for Heaven, shows that Tefnut represented the dew that fell

from the Tree of Dawn. She is the giver of the dew; hence the water of dawn is said to be the water of

Tefnut. Tefnut gives the moisture from the Tree of Dawn in heavenly dew, but in another character she is

fierce as fire, and is portrayed in the figure of the lioness. The truth is, there was Egyptian science

enough extant to know that the dew of Dawn was turned into the vapor that was formed into the Green

Tree on the horizon by the rising Sun of Morning, and the Kamite mythos which represented the natural

fact was afterwards converted into a Greek fancy, as in numerous other instances.

 

When once they are identified the myths must be studied in their Egyptian dress. It is my work to point

the way, not to elucidate all the Semitic and Aryan embellishments or distortions. But we may depend

upon it that any attempt to explain or discuss the Asiatic, American, Australian, and European

mythologies with that of Egypt omitted is the merest writing on the sand which the next wave will

obliterate.

 

Max Müller asked how it was that out Ancestors, who were not idiots, although he has done his utmost to

make them appear idiotic in the matter of mythology, came to tell the story of a King who was married to

a Frog? His explanation is that it arose, as usual, from a misapplication of names. The Frog was a name

given to the Sun, and the name of the frog, Bekha, or Bekhi, was afterwards confused with or mistaken

for the name of a Maiden whom the King might have married. In reply to this absurd theory of the

mythical origins another writer says it was the nature of savages to make such mistakes, not merely in

names, but in things; in confusing natural phenomena and in confounding frog-nature with human nature:

this confounding confusion being the original staple of “savage Myth.” It would be difficult to tell which

version is farthest from the actual fact.

 

Whoever begins with the mythos as a product of the “savage” mind as savages are known today is fatally

in error. Neither will it avail to begin with idiots who called each other nick-names in Sanskrit. Let us make

another test case of Bekhi the Frog. The Sanskritist does not start fair. He has not learned the language

of [Page 30] animals. The mythical representation had traveled a long way before any human king could

have got mixed up with a Frog for his wife. We must go back to the Proto-Aryan beginnings, which are

Egyptian or Kamite. In Africa we find these things next to nature where we can get no further back in

search of origins. Egypt alone goes back far enough to touch Nature in these beginnings, and, as so

often to be said in the present work, Egypt alone has faithfully and intelligently kept the record.

 

The Frog was a Lunar type on account of its metamorphosis from the Tadpole-condition in the water to

the four-legged life on land, which type was afterwards applied to the Moon in its coming forth from the

waters of Nun. The name of the frog in Egyptian is Ka, whence, the Lunar Lady, who was represented as

 

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a Frog, is designated Mistress Heka or Hekat, who was a consort of the Solar God Khnum-Ra. An

inscription in the British Museum tells us that under one of his titles Khnum was called “the King of

Frogs.” There is not proof, perhaps, of his being a Frog himself, but his son, Ptah, had a Frog-headed

form, and his consort, Hekat, is the Froggess. This then, is the very King, by name who was wedded to a

Frog, but not as a human being. Such a tale was only told when the Gnosis was no longer truly taught

and the ancient myth had been modernized in the Märchen. In the Kamite mythos Khnum has three

consorts, the Goddess Hekat, Sati, and Ank. We might call them one Wife and two Consorts. The wife is

Ank, whose name signifies the Mirror. She personates the Moon as reflector of the Sun. Hekat and Sati,

are representatives of the dual lunation; Hekat is the Frog of darkness, and Sati the Lady of Light. As the

Frog, Hekat sloughs her frog skin and reveals her wondrous beauty in the form of Sati, the Woman in

glory. These three are the Consorts of Khnum-Ra, who is (1) in Amenta with Hekat, (2) in Heaven with

Sati, and (3) in the Moon herself, as the generator of Light with Ank, or in the Mirror. Khnum-Ra is the

nocturnal Sun, and Hekat, his Consort, is a representative of the Moon that transforms in the lower

hemisphere, as the tadpole transforms and emerges from the waters in the form of a frog. Khnum, God

of the Nocturnal Sun, is King of Frogs in Amenta, the hidden underworld, and it is there that Hekat is his

Consort as the Froggess. In the upper Heaven she is the lovely goddess with the arrow of light that was

shot from the lunar bow with which her name of Sati (Coptic, Sate) is hieroglyphically written. And every

time she re-enters the water of the nether world she transforms into a frog according to the mythical

mode of representing the Moon in Amenta.Thus we can identify the “Sun-Frog” of the Aryan Märchen in

the frog-headed solar God (Ptah) or in Khnum, “the king of frogs,” both of whom were solar deities. We

can also identify the Frog-maiden in “Mistress Heka,” or Hekat, the goddess with a Frog’s head, who is

one of Khnum’s Consorts, the Cinderella (so to say) of the three sisters, who are Ank, Sati, and Hekat,

the three goddesses of the myth who survive as the well-known three Sisters of Märchen. The “Sun-frog”

then was Khnum, “the King of frogs,” as the Sun in the night of the underworld, who was wedded to

Hekat, the lunar frog in the mythos which supplied the matter for the Märchen. [Page 31]

 

It is only in this nether world that Sun and Moon can ever meet, and that but once a month, when the

Lady of Light transforms into the Frog, or Hekat, which Frog re-transforms into Sati, the Lady of Light,

when she emerges from the abyss. The King was not to be seen by his Mistress without the royal

garments on, and these were laid aside when the Sun-God entered the nether earth. If the lady dared to

look upon her lover in the night she would find him in the shape of a Beast, as in “Beauty and the Beast,”

which was prohibited; and if the lover looked upon the Maiden under certain conditions she would

transfigure into a Frog or other amphibious creature, and permanently retain that shape, as the story was

told when the myth was moralized in the Märchen; the exact antithesis of the Frog that transformed into a

beautiful Princess, the transformation of Bekhi, and possibly (or certainly) of Phryne, the Frog, whose

sumptuous beauty was victoriously unveiled when she was de-robed before her vanquished judges. In

the different phases of the mythos the young Sun-god might have been met by night as a Crocodile, a

Beetle, a Frog, an Eel, or a Bear, for the Bear was also a zootype of Horus. In one of his battles with Sut

he fought in the form of a Bear. It was a law of primitive Tapu that the bride or wife was not to be seen by

the lover or husband in a state of nudity. In the story of Melusine the bride is not to be looked on when

she is naked. She tells her lover that she will only abide with him so long as he observes this custom of

women. This also was the law in the mythical land of Naz, and one man who did look on his wife unveiled

was trans formed into a monster. Now the veil of the bride is one with that of the virgin Isis, which

originated in the loin-cloth or leaf-belt that was demanded by the “custom of women”when the female first

became pubescent.

 

In Egypt, the dog-headed Ape Aani was a zootype of the moon in her period of eclipse and change, as

explained by Hor-Apollo (B. I., 14) . The menstruating Ape was a representative of the Sloughing Moon,

that is of the veiled bride, the female who was on no account to be looked on in her nudity. The Sun and

 

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Moon could not meet below except when the goddess or mistress did vanish from the light of mortals in

the world above. The lunar lady in her poor lonely state goes underground or enters the waters to make

her transformation and is invisible during three nights (and days) which correspond to the three days’s

festival at which Cinderella lost her slipper (the last relic of the magical skin) and won the heart of the

fairy prince. The meeting of the Sun and Moon in Amenta was monthly: once every twenty-eight days, as

it was reckoned in the Calendar which for, mystical reasons, counted 13 Moons to the year; and it is

these mystical seasons which alone can penetrate to the natural origin of Tapu concerning the custom of

women. It was the menses = the mensis; the female period = the lunar. The wife, as we have seen, was

not to be looked upon during her monthly period when she was in retirement, like the moon once a

month. It was on the sixth day of the New Moon that Osiris re-entered the orb and paid his first visit to the

Lady of Light. The Australian deity Pundjel is said to have a Wife whose face he never looks upon.

(Smyth, vol., i, 423). When that representation was first made Amenta was not known as the monthly

[Page 32] meeting place for Moon and Sun by night. It had only been observed that they did not meet by

day. Isis, veiled in black, goes down to the nether-world in search of lost Osiris. It was only there they

ever met, He as the Bull of Eternity, She as the Cow, a later type than the Frog of Hekat.

 

This drama of the primitive mysteries, this mythical mode of representing natural fact, is at times more

appealing in its touching simplicity than anything to be found amongst the best things that have been

“said” in literature. The custom of women which was to be religiously respected being identified, it is easy

to see that this led to other customs of Tabu, which were founded and practised as modes of memorizing

the law intended to be taught and fulfilled.

 

The mystical Bride who was not to be seen naked was personated by the Wife who wore the bridal veil,

or the Wife whose face was never to be seen by her husband until she had born him a child: or who is

only to be visited under cover of night. For, like the Sun and the Moon, they dwell in separate huts and

only meet occasionally and then by stealth, according to the restrictions of Tabu. Hence marriages were

made on condition that the woman was not to be seen naked by her husband. When Ivan has burned the

frog-skin of the beautiful Helen in the Russian tale, to prevent her from turning into a frog again, she bids

him farewell, and says to him, “Seek me in the 27th earth, in the 30th kingdom.” (Afanassieff, Story 23).

We have here a reference to the twenty-seven nights of lunar light, the three nights of the moon out of

sight, together with the transformation and re-arising on the third day. But the annual conjunction of Sun

and Moon at the vernal equinox is indicated in the Vedic version when Urvasi promises to meet her

husband on the last night of the year for the purpose of giving birth to the child which was born monthly

of the Moon and annually in the soli-lunar rendering of the Mythos . Urvasi says to Pururavas, “Come to

me the last night of the year, and thou shalt be with me for one night, and a Son will be born to thee.”

 

The Egyptians have preserved for us and bequeathed the means of interpreting this typology of the early

Sign-language. The primitive consciousness or knowledge which has lapsed or got confused in inner

Africa, or Australia, India, or Greece, lived on and left its record in their system of signs. If the Australian

savage does attribute the earliest marriage-laws to a Crow, he is but saying the same thing as Hor-Apollo

(I, 9) who tells us that when the Egyptians denote marriage they depict two Crows, because the birds

cohabit in the human fashion, and their laws of intercourse are strictly monogamic. Nor is the Gnosis of

the original representation quite extinct. The “Wisdom of Manihiki” is a Mangaian designation of the

Gnosis, or knowledge of mythical representation, the secrets of which were limited to a few priests who

were the same in the Hervey Isles that the Her-Seshti were to the Wisdom of Egypt. A race to degraded

or undeveloped as the Bushmen have their hidden wisdom, their Magic, with an Esoteric interpretation of

 

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their dramatic dances and pantomime, by which they more or less preserve and perpetuate the mythic

meaning of their religious mysteries. What we do really find is that the Inner African and other aborigines

still continue to talk and think [Page 33] their thought in the same figures of speech that are made visible

by art, such as is yet extent among the Bushmen; that the Egyptians also preserved the primitive

consciousness together with the clue to this most ancient knowledge, with its symbolic methods of

communication, and that they converted the living types into the later lithographs and hieroglyphics.

Animals that talk in the folk-tales of Bushmen, or the Indians, or the Märchen of Europe, are still the living

originals which became pictographic and ideographic in the zootypology of Egypt, where they represent

divinities, i.e., nature-powers at first and deities afterwards; then ideographs, and finally the phonetics of

the Egyptian alphabet.

 

No race of men ever yet imagined that the animals talked in human language as they are made to do in

the popular Märchen. No men so “primitive” as to think that anyone was swallowed by a great fish and

remained three days and nights in the monster’s belly, to be afterwards belched up on dry land alive.

They were not human beings of whom such stories were told, and therefore those who first made the

mythical representations were not capable of believing they were human. Put your living representatives

of primitive or aboriginal men to the test. Try them with the miracles of the Old or New Testament,

presented to them for matters of fact, as a gage of credulity. What does Dr. Moffat say of his African

aborigines? “The Gospel appeared too preposterous for the most foolish to believe,” and “To speak of

the Creation, the Fall, and the Resurrection seemed more fabulous, extravagant, and ludicrous to them

than their own vain stories of lions and hyaenas.” (Missionary Labours, p. 245).But they knew more or

less, that their own legends were mythical, whereas, the Christian was vouching for his mythos being

historical, and that they could in no wise accept. A Red Indian known to Hearne as a perfect bigot with

regard to the arts and tricks of the jugglers could yet by no means be impressed with a belief in any part

of the Christian religion, or the documents and vouchers for its truth. (Hearne, Journey among the

Indians, p. 350). When Robert Drury told the Malagasy for the first time how God created a man, and

made a woman from one of his ribs while he was asleep, they said, “it was plain untruth, and that it was a

shame to tell such lies with a serious countenance.” They at once proceeded to test the statement by

reckoning ribs of a woman and a man. “They said that to talk of what was done before man was made

was silly, and that what I had said of God’s talking with men and telling them such things had no proof;

and the things I pretended to know and talk of were all old women’s stories. When I mentioned the

resurrection of the body, they told me “ it must be a lie, and to talk of them burning in fire after this life

was an abominable lie.” (Madagascar: Robert Drury’s Journal, during Fifteen Years' Captivity on that

island). And A Further Description of Madagascar , by the Abbé Alexis Rochon. Edited, with an

Introduction and notes, by Captain Pasfield Oliver, R.A.)

 

The aborigines do not mistake the facts of nature as we have mistaken the primitive method of

representing them. It is we, not they, who are the most deluded victims of false belief. Christian capacity

for believing the impossible in nature is unparalleled in any time past amongst any race of men. Christian

readers denounce the primitive [Page 34] realities of the mythical representation as puerile indeed, and

yet their own realities alleged to be eternal, from the fall of Adam to the redemption by means of a

crucified jew, are little or nothing more than the shadows of these primitive simplicities of an earlier time.

It will yet be seen that the culmination of credulity, the meanest emasculation of mental manhood, the

densest obscuration of the inward light of nature, the completest imbecility of shut-eyed belief, the

nearest approach to a total and eternal eclipse of common sense have been attained beyond all chance

of competition by the victims of the Christian creeds. The genesis of delusive superstitions is late, not

early. It is not the direct work of nature herself. Nature was not the mother who began her work of

 

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development by nursing her child in all sorts of illusions concerning things in general. She did not place

her hands upon his eyes and bid him to interpret the world subjectively. Primitive man was not a

metaphysician, but a man of common sense.And if limited as a limpet, he clung hard and fast to the rock

of reality as the sole ground he had to go upon. The realities without and around were too pressing for

the senses to allow him to play the fool with delusive idealities; the intellectual and sentimental luxuries of

later hylo-idealists. Modern ignorance of the mythical mode of representation has led to the ascribing of

innumerable false beliefs not only to primitive men and present-day savages, but also the most learned,

enlightened, and highly civilized people of antiquity, the Egyptian; for had these natural impossibilities

been believed the Egyptians must have shared the same mental confusion, the same manifest delusion

concerning nature, the same incapacity for distinguishing one thing from another, as the Pygmy or the

Papuan.

 

It has been asserted that there was little or no prayer in the lower forms of religion. But this would have to

be determined by Sign-language rather than by words. Two hands of a person clasped together are

equivalent to a spoken prayer. In the Ritual, the speaker says of the God Osiris, – “His Branch is of

prayer, by means of which I have made myself like him.” (Ch., xxviii). Teru is the Branch, and the same

word signifies to adore, invoke and pray. It was a mode of praying that the branches of the bedwen or

birch were strewn in the ancient British graves. It is the same language and the same sign when the

Australian aborigines approach the camp of strangers with a green bough in their hands as the sign of

amity equivalent to a prayer for peace and good-will. Acted Sign-language is a practical mode of praying

and asking for what is wanted by portraying instead of saying. A green branch of a symbolic Tree is

dipped in water and sprinkled on the earth as a prayer for rain. New Caledonian wizards dig up a

skeleton and pour water on the dead bones to denote the great need of a revivifying rain. Amongst the

rock-drawings of the Bushmen, there is a scene in which it is apparent that a hippopotamus is being

dragged across country as a symbolic device for producing rain. Naturally the water-cow is an African

zootype of water. In Egypt, she imaged the great Mother who was invoked as the wateress. Not only are

the four naked natives dragging the water-cow overland; two of them also carry the water-plant, probably

a lotus, in their hands, as a symbol of the water that is so greatly needed. It was a common mode of

primitive appeal for savages [Page 35] to inflict great suffering on the representative victim to compel the

necessary response. In this case, as we read the language of signs, they are intending to compel the

nature-power to send them water, the female hippopotamus or water-cow being the Image of that power.

This would be dragged across the land as a palpable mode of forcing the Great Cow of Earth to yield the

water, in the language that was acted. The appeal to the Power beyond was also made with the human

being as the suffering victim. In Transylvania, girls strip themselves stark naked, and, led by an elder

woman who is likewise naked, they steal a harrow and carry it across a field to the nearest brook; then

they set it afloat and sit on the harrow for an hour in making their appeal. The Pawnee Victim ( or the

Khond Meriah) made appeal to the cruel Powers as the intercessor and suppliant on behalf of the people

by her wounds, her tears and groans, her terrible tortures purposely prolonged in slowly dying, her torn

tormented flesh agape with ruddy wounds, as in the later Mysteries where the Victim was held to be

divine. Pathetic appeal was made to the Nature-Power or Elemental Spirit, chiefly the Goddess of Earth

as food-giver, by means of the suffering, the moans, the tears, the prayers of the Victims. This was

employed as a Moving-Power, often cruel enough to search the heavens for the likeness of a pitying

human heart. The ears of dogs were pinched by the Mexican women during an eclipse to make them

howl to the Power of Light. Meal-dust is thrown into the eyes of the Sacred Turtle by the Zunis to make it

weep. The Australian Diererie solicit the Good Spirit for rain by bleeding two of their Mediums or divinely-

inspired men, supposed to be persons of influence with the Moora-Moora or Good Spirits, who will take

heed of their sufferings and send down rain. The scene described by Gason (The Native Tribes of South

Australia, p. 276) should be compared with that in the Ist Book of Kings, ch. xviii., where the Priests of

 

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Baal cut and slash their flesh with knives and lances and limp around the altar with their bleeding wounds

as a mode of invoking heaven for rain.Such customs were universal; they were supplicating in the dumb

drama of Sign-language for the water or the food that was most fervently desired. The Guanches used to

separate the lambs from their mothers, so that their bleatings might make a more touching appeal to the

superhuman Powers. When the corn of the Zulus was parched with continual drought they would hunt for

a particular Victim called the Heaven-Bird, "as the favourite of the Gods, kill it and cast it into a pool of

water. This was done that the heart of heaven might be softened for its favourite, and weep and "wail for

it by raining; wailing a funereal wail". (Callaway, Religious System of the Anazulu, page 407.) The idea is

to make the Heavens weep at. sight of this appeal, that is representation, of the suffering people,. and

elicit an answer from above in tears of rain. The customs generally express the need of water and the

suffering endured from long-continued drought.

 

When the Chinaman raises his little breast-work of earth with bottles stuck in it muzzle outward, looking

like guns in position, to scare away the devils or evil nature-Powers, he is threatening them and

protecting his dwelling in Sign-language signs which they are [Page 36] supposed to understand. Making

the sign of the Cross or ringing the bells subserves the same purpose in the religion of Rome. When the

church-bells were rung in a thunderstorm it was intended to scare off evil spirits just as much as was the

Chinaman's futile fortification.

 

The Intichiuma ceremonies of the Arunta Tribes are amongst the most primitive now extant upon the

surface of the earth. These are performed as sacred mysteries in various modes of Sign-language, by

which the thought, the wish, the want is magically expressed in act instead of, or in addition to, words.

The obvious object of these most ancient mysteries of magic is the perennial increase of food, more

expressly of the animal or plant that gives its name to the totem of those who perform the particular rites.

The members of the Witchetty-Grub Tribe perform a mystery of transformation in relation to the Grub

which is an important article of diet. With magical incantations they call upon the Grub to lay an

abundance of eggs. They invite the animals to gather from all directions and beg them to breed in this

particular feeding-ground of theirs. The men encase themselves in the structure intended to represent

the chrysalis from which the Grub emerges in re-birth, and out of this they crawl. In trying to interpret the

dumb drama of these Totemic Mysteries we have to learn what is thought and meant to be expressed

chiefly by what is done. Thus we see the mystery of transformation is acted magically by the men of the

Witchetty-Grub Totem for the production of food in the most primitive form of a prayer-meeting or

religious service; and the Powers are solicited, the want made known by signs, especially by the sign of

fasting during the performance. They shuffle forth one after another in imitation of animals newly born.

Thus they enact the drama or mystery of transformation in character.

 

The primary phase of what has been continually miscalled "Phallic Worship" originated in the idea and

the symbolism of Motherhood. The Earth itself as producer of food and drink was looked upon as the

Mother of life. The Cave in the Earth was the Womb of the Bringer-forth, the uterine symbol of the

Genetrix. The Mother in Mythology is the Abode. The sign of the female signified the place of birth: the

birth-place was in the cave, and the cleft in the rock or entrance to the Mother-earth was the earliest

phallic type identified throughout external nature. The Cave, the Cavern, or Cleft in the rock was an

actual place of birth for man and beast, and therefore a figure of the uterus of the Mother-earth. Hence

the mount of earth, or the rock, was made a type of the Earth-mother in the stone seat of Isis, or the

conical pillar of Hathor. The Stone-Image of the mount of earth as Mons Veneris was identified at times

as female by the .te.. being figured on it, as it was upon the conical stone of Elagabalus: or the

 

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impression of Aphrodite which was pointed out upon the Black Stone at Mecca by Byzantine writers. The

Cteis or Yoni was the natural entrance to or outrance from the Mount, and all its co-types and

equivalents, because it was an emblem of the Mother who brought forth her children from the earth.

 

The natives of Central Africa have a widespread tradition that the human race sprang out of a soft stone.

This goes far towards [Page 37] identifying the stone as a symbol of the earth; especially the stone with a

hole in it that was made use of in the Mysteries as the emblem of a second or spiritual birth. The Yao of

Central Africa affirm that Man, together with the animals, sprang from a hole in the rock. This birthplace,

with the Arunta of Australia, is represented by the stone with a hole in it, from which the children emanate

as from the womb of Creation. In their magical ceremonies they represent a woman by the emblematic

figure of a hole in the earth. (N.T., p. 550.) Also a figure of the Vulva as the Door of Life is imaged on

certain of their Totems. The Esquimaux Great Mother Sidné is the earth itself as producer of life and

provider of food, who is a figure of the Mother.

 

The origin of so-called “Phallic worship" then began with the earth herself being represented as the

Womb of Universal Life, with the female emblem for a figure of the Birth-place and Bringer-forth. Not that

the emblem was necessarily human, for it might be the sign of the Hippopotamus, or of the Lioness, or

the Sow; anything but worshipful or human. The mythical gestator was not imaged primarily as a Woman,

but as a pregnant Water-Cow, size being wanted to represent the great, i.e., enceinte, Earth-mother, and

her chamber of birth. But, under whatsoever type, the Mother was the abode, and the oval image drawn

by the cave-dwellers on their walls as the universal figure of the female proves the type to have been

uterine. The Female was the dwelling and the door of life, and this was her image "in all the earth". The

likeness was also continued in the oval burial-place as sign and symbol of re-birth, and lastly as the oval

window or the door in architecture; the Vesica in Freemasonry.The Mother's Womb was not only a

prototype of the tomb or temple; it also represented the house of the living.

 

"When the magistrate of Gwello had his first house built in wattle and daub, he found that the Makalanga

women, who were engaged to plaster it, had produced. according to a general custom. a clay image of

the female member in relief upon the inside wall. He asked them what they did that for. They answered

benevolently that it was to bring him good luck. This illustrates the pure form of the cult of these people.

who recognize the unknown and unseen power by reverencing its manifestation (in this instance) on the

female side of the creative principle” (Joseph Millerd Orpen, The Nineteenth Century, August, 1896, pp.

192-3.) They knew the natural magic of the emblem if the European did not. Also, they were identifying

the woman with the abode. In Bent's book he gives an illustration of an iron-smelting furnace,

conventionally showing the female figure and the maternal mould. "All the furnaces found in Rhodesia

are of that form, but those which I have seen (and I have come upon five of them in a row) are far more

realistic, most minutely and statuesquely so, all in a cross-legged sitting position, and clearly showing

that the production or birth of the metal is considered worthy of a special religious expression. It

recognized the Creator in one form of his human manifestation in creation". This is lofty language. "We

call the same thing by another name in our part of the country".

 

The God Seb is the Egyptian Priapus. who might be termed a Phallic deity. But he is the Earth-God and

Father of Food; the God [Page 38] of Fructification associated with plants and fruits, flowers and foliage,

which are seen issuing from his body. He is the "Lord of Aliment,"in whom the reproductive powers of

earth are ithyphallically portrayed. But the potency represented by Seb was not human, although the

human member is depicted as a type of the begetter or producer. The enemies of Ra are repulsed by the

 

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phallus of Horus. When the Apap-monster is overthrown it is said, "Thy phallus, O Horus, acts for ever.

Thy phallus is eternal". (Rit., xxxix., 8.) Where Herakles employs his club against the Hydra, the phallus

was the typical weapon used by Horus against the Apap-dragon. Apap was the Image of Evil as

negation, sterility, non-production; and the weapon of Horus symbolized the virile power of the

procreative sun. Again, it is said the phallus of Osiris is agitated for the destruction of the rebels, and it

dooms the beast Baba to be powerless during millions of years. (Rit., xciii., I.) The Lion and phallus are

elsewhere identical as zootype and type of the solar force when it is said the luminous lion in its course

(the sun) is the phallus of Ra. (Rit., xvii.) As this was solar and not human, it will account for the

enormous size of the image carried in the processions of the Phallus. (Herodotus, B, 2,48.)

 

Hippolytus, in his account of the Naaseni, speaks of the hidden mystery manifested by the phallic figure

which held a "first position in the most ancient places, being shown forth to the world, like a light set upon

a candlestick". This identifies the male emblem with its solar origin as symbol of the Sun. It is something

to know that when the long sperm candles are set up in the religious Mysteries today, the Ritualists are

not doing this to the praise and glory of the human member, but are making use of a type which has been

continued in the darkest Christian ignorance of pre-Christian origins.

 

A still more curious but kindred case of survival occurs in Australia, where it is a custom yet extant

amongst the aborigines for the widow of a deceased person of importance to wear the phallus of her

dead husband suspended round her neck for some time, even for years, after his death. This is not an

action directly natural, but one that is dominated and directed by some religious sentiment, however

primitive, which makes the action symbolical, and Egypt, who used such types, intelligently interprets

them. By wearing the phallus the widow was preserving it from decaying in the earth, and in wearing it

she was preserving that type of resurrection which Isis in her character of the Widow sought so

sedulously to preserve in a typical image. (Plutarch, Of Isis and Osiris.) In the Turin Ritual (ch. xciii.) the

Manes prays that the Phallus of Ra may not be devoured by the powers of evil at a feast of fiends. In

Egyptian Resurrection-scenes the re-arising of the dead or inert Osiris is indicated by the male emblem,

re-erection being one with resurrection. It is thus the dead are raised or re-erected as Spirits and the

power of rising again is imaged in the life-likeness as by the figure of Amsu-Horus. Thus interpreted few

things could be more pathetic than the poor Widow's devotion to her dead husband, in wearing the

emblem as a token of his future resurrection. In point of time and stage of development the Widow in

Australia is the natural prototype of the Widow divinized as Isis who consecrated the phallus of Osiris and

wore it made of wood. It [Page 39] is in such ways as this the Wisdom of Old Egypt will enable us to read

the most primitive Sign-Ianguage and to explicate the most ancient typical customs, because it contains

the gnosis or science of the earliest wisdom in the world. The "Language of Animals" is obviously Inner

African. It is employed especially by the Bushmen and Hottentots. Just as obviously was it continued by

the dwellers in the valley of the Nile. Beyond the hieroglyphics are the living types, many of which were

continued as Egyptian, and these have the same significance in Egypt that they had in Inner Africa, and

still say the same things in the language of words that they said as zootypes. It appears as if the many

links that we thought broken past mending in the long chain of human evolution were preserved in Egypt.

There is a Kamite tradition mentioned by Plutarch that previous to the time when Taht first taught a

language of words to the human race they used mere cries like the pre-human animals. We know that

Homo imitated the .cries of the zootypes because he continued to do so in the Totemic Mysteries. We

know that the Ape was one of the most prominent zootypes. Now the God Taht who is here called the

creator of speech, and whose name of Tehuti is derived from Tehu, a word for speech and to tell, is

portrayed in the form of the Kaf-Ape. The Kaf-Ape is the clicking Cynocephalus; and it is recognized as

the Clicker who preceded the Speaker; the animal from whom the later language came. Whence the Kaf-

 

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headed Taht-Ani is the figure of the God who taught mankind their speech and made the hieroglyphics,

which ultimately led to letters. This type of language, speech, the word, the mouth, the tongue, carries us

back to the pre-lingual 'Clickers, and establishes the link betwixt them and the Clicking Ape in tracing the

origin and line of descent for human speech. The Cynocephalus, then, represents a pre-human source of

speech, and is personified in Taht-Ani as the Divine Speaker. We may look upon the Clicking Ape as one

of the animals whose sounds were repeated by his successor Man. The Egyptian record testifies to his

pre-eminence. Possibly the Ape, as typical talker, Sayer or Divine Word, may account for the tradition

current among the negroes in West Africa, also in Madagascar, that the Apes once talked and could do

so yet, but they conceal their faculty of speech for fear they should be made to work. The Ass was also

honoured like the Ape of Taht-Ani as a saluter of the Gods or Nature-Powers. It was a great past-master

of pre-human sounds, as the pre-human utterer of the vowels in their earliest form. (Natural Genesis. )

The Egyptians call the Ass by the name of Iu, Aiu, and Aai, three forms of one primary diphthong in which

the seven vowel-sounds originated. Iu signifies to come and go, which might aptly describe the Ass's

mode of producing the voice. Aiu or Iu with the A prothetic shows the process of accretion or

agglutination which led to the word Aiu, Iao, loa, lahu becoming extended to the seven vowels finally

represented in the fully drawn-out name of Jehovah, which was written with the seven vowels by the

Gnostics. The English attribute the dual sound of "hee-haw" to the Donkey, and, if we omit the aspirate,

"ee-aw" is near enough as a variant and the equivalent of Iu, Aiu, or Aai, as the name given to itself by

the Ass which was registered in language by [Page 40] the Egyptians. The animal with his loud voice and

long-continued braying was an unparalleled prototype of the Praiser and Glorifier of the Gods or Nature-

Powers. He uttered his vowel-sounds at the bottom and top of the octave which had only to be filled in for

the Ass to become one of the authors of the musical scale. Such were two of the Sayers in the language

of animals, as zootypes, as pictographs of ideas; as likenesses of nature-powers; as words, syllables,

and letters; and what they said is to be read in Totemism, Astronomy, and Mythology; in the primitive

symbolism of the aborigines, and in the mystical types and symbols now ignorantly claimed to be

Christian.

 

It is but doing the simplest justice to these our predecessors in the ascending scale of life and evolution

to show something of the rôle they once played and the help they have rendered to nascent, non-

articulate man in supplying the primary means of imaging the super-human forces surrounding him; in

lending him their own masks of personality for Totemic use before he had acquired one of his own, and in

giving shape and sound and external likeness to his earliest thought, and so assisting him on his upward

way with the very means by which he parted company from them. Whosoever studies this record by the

light that shineth from within will surely grow more humanly tender towards the natural zootypes and

strive hence-forth to protect them from the curse of cruelty, whether inflicted by the fury of the brutal

savage or the bloody lust of the violating vivisectionist. This zoomorphic mode of representation offers us

the key by which we can unlock the shut-up mind of the earliest, most benighted races so far as to learn

more or less what they mean when they also talk or act their unwritten language of animals in Totemic

customs and religious rites, and repeat their Märchen and dark sayings which contain the disjecta

membra of the myths. It is as perfect for this purpose of interpreting the thought of the remotest past,

become confused and chaotic in the present, as is the alphabet for rendering the thought of the present

in verbal language.

 

Homo was the finisher but by no means the initial fashioner of language. Man was preceded by the

animals, birds, and reptiles, who were the utterers of pre-verbal sounds that were repeated and

continued by him for his cries and calls, his interjections and exclamations, which were afterwards

worked up and developed as the constituents of later words in human speech into a thousand forms of

 

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language. Thinking, by man or animal, does not depend upon speech. Naming is not necessary for

reflecting an image of the place or thing or person in the mirror of the mind. Thought is primarily a mental

mode of representing things. Without true images of things, there is no trustworthy process of thought.

Doubtless many blank forms may be filled in with a word as a substitute for thinking; but words are not

the images of things, nor can they be the equivalent of the mental representation which we call thinking.

It is the metaphysician who thinks, or thinks he thinks, in words alone - not the Poet, Dramatist, or natural

man. The Argus-eyed Pheasant did not think in words but in images and colours when she painted

certain spots upon the feathers of her young progeny. Thought is possible without words to the animals.

Thought was possible without words [Page 41] to inarticulate man and the mere clickers. The faculty of

thinking without words is inherent in the dumb, and it is impossible that such faculty should be extinct or

not exercised by articulate man. Much thinking had been acted \without words before the appearance of

Man upon the planet. Also by Homo while as yet there were no words but only cries, ejaculations, and

animal sounds. The dog can think without words. To make its hidden meaning heard, how pleadingly he

will beseech without one sound of human speech. So it is with the human being. As an example, let us

suppose we are going upstairs to bed in the dark. In doing this we do not think "Stair s", - Ban i s t e

r",- " Landing", handle of door, Candle-stick, Matches . We act the same as if we saw, only the vision

is within and the dark without. We see the stair and feel for it with the foot. We see the banister mentally

and clutch it with the hand. Internal seeing and external touch concern us a thousand-fold more than

words, and these give us a sensible hold of outer things. Thought does not need to spell its way in

letters. We are thinking all the while as a process of mental representation, and do not go on words when

we are not called upon to speak.

 

The Bull and Cow said "Moo"; the Cow with us is still called a "Moo-Cow" in nursery language. The Goat

and Ram said "Ba". The Goose in hissing cried "Su". The Hippopotamus in roaring said "Rur" or "Rurrur".

Various others in uttering sounds by nature were giving themselves the names by which they were

to be known in later language. The name of the Cat in Egyptian is Mau or Miau. This, then, was one of

the self-namers, like the Goose Su. Philologists may tell us that "Mu" and "Ba" and "Su" are not words at

all. In Egyptian they are not only words but things, and the things are named by the words. Such words

are a part of the primary sound-stuff out of which our later words were coined. Moreover, they are words

in the Egyptian language. In that we find the word Ba signifies to be, Ba therefore is a form of to be. Also

it is the name for the Ram and the Goat, both of whom are types of the Ba-er or Be-ing, both of whom

say "Ba". The Cow says Moo. Mu (Eg.) means the mother, and the mythical mother was represented as

a moo-cow. The Ibis was one of the self-namers with its cry of "Aah-A ah", consequently Aah-Aah is one

name of the bird in the Egyptian hieroglyphics, and also of the moon which the Ibis represented.

 

It is but natural to infer that the Totemic Mother would make her call with the sound of the animal that was

her Totemic zootype. Her zootype was her totem, and her call would identify her with her totem for the

children of each particular group. But where the moo-cow made its gentle call at milking-time, the water-

cow would roar and make the welkin ring. And the wide-mouthed roarers would be imitated first perforce,

because most powerful and impressive. They roared on earth like the thunder or Apap-reptile in the

darkness over-head. In the hieroglyphics the word rur is equal to roar in English, or to ruru, for the loud-

roarer in Sanskrit; and the greatest type of the roarer under that name is Rurit the hippopotamus, whose

likeness was figured in heaven as the Mother of the Beginnings. When the Cat cried "miau" it did not

exactly utter the letters which now compose the word, but contributed the primary sounds evolved by

[Page 42] the animal in its caterwauling; and the phonetics that followed were evolved in perfecting the

sounds. The shaping of primary into fully developed sounds, and continuing these in words, was the work

of the dawning human intelligence. So with other pre-human sounds that were produced by animals

 

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before the advent of Man.

 

 

According to the hidden Wisdom, which is now almost a dead letter, there are reasons why we should be

particular in sounding the letter H as an aspirate. In the hieroglyphics one H or Ha-sign is the fore-part of

a Lion, signifying that which is first, beginning, essence, chief, or Lord; and Shu the power of Breathing-

force is represented by a panting lion. This, then, is the “Ha", and in expelling the breath it makes the

sound of Ha. Thus the Lion says “Ha", and is the figure of breathing-force; and this one of the origins in

language survives in the letter H – when properly aspirated. It is a dark saying of the Rabbins that "All

came out of the letter H". The Egyptian zootypes and hieroglyphics are the letters in which such dark

sayings were written and can still be read. The letter H, Hebrew He, Egyptian Ha, is the sign of breath, as

a Soul of Life, but as the hieroglyphics show, even the breath that is first signified was not human. The

earliest typical breather is an animal. The panting lion imaged the likeness of the solar force and the

breath of the breeze at dawn, as an ideographic zootype of this especial Nature – power. On the line of

upward ascent the lion was given to the god Shu, the Egyptian Mars. On the line of descent the

ideographic type passes finally into the alphabet for common everyday use as the letter H. The

supremacy of the lion amongst animals had made it a figure of firstness. And in the reduced form of the

hieroglyphics the forepart of the lion remained the sign of the word "Ha", which denotes priority. The

essence of all that is first and foremost may be thought in this likeness of the lion.

 

Amongst the natural zootypes which served at first as ideographs that were afterwards reduced to the

value of letters in the final phonetic phase, we see that beast, bird, fish, and reptile were continued until

the written superseded the painted alphabet. These pictorial signs, as Egyptian, include an

 

from

Aa Khaa, the Calf

B Ba, a Nycticorax.

B Ba, the Bird of Soul.

B Ba, the Goat or Ram

F Fu, the Puff-adder.

H Ha, the panting Lion

H Hem or hum, the Grasshopper

M Mau, the Cat or Lion

M Mu, the Owl.

M Mu, the Vulture

N Neh, the Black Vulture

N the Crocodile

N the Fish

N the Lizard

P Pa, a Water-fowl

 

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P Peh, the Lioness.

A Akhem, the Eagle.

A Akhu, a Bird

A Am, or Hab, the Ibis

A An (Variant Un), the Hare

K an erect serpent.

K Ka, an Ape.

K Kam, the Crocodile's Tail

Kh or Q. from Kha, the Fish.

Kh or Q. the Calf

P Pa, a Water-fowl.

R or L. from Ru, the Lion.

R Ru, the Grasshopper.

R Ru, the Snake.

S Sa, the Jackal.

S Su, the Goose.

T Ta, the Nestling.

T Tet, the Ibis.

T Tet, the Snake.

T The Hoopoe.

U the Duckling.

U U r , the Finch.

U Un, the Hare.

 

[Page 43] The zootypes serve to show the only ground on which a divine origin could have been ascribed

to language on account of the pre-human and superhuman sounds. Several of these are representative

of Powers in nature that were divinized. They uttered the sounds by which they were self-named, and

thus the Language of Animals might become the language of the Gods. The zootype of Apt the Roarer

was the Hippopotamus, and Apt of Ombos was "the Living Word". The zootype of Taht, as God of

Speech and Writing, was the Clicking Ape. A zootype of the nocturnal Sun as Atum-Ra was the Ass. The

Goose that said "Su" was a zootype of Seb the God of Earth. Ka is the Egyptian name for the Frog; this

was obviously self-conferred by the call of the animal, and the Frog was made a zootype of Power

divinized in Ptah the God of Transformation and Evolution.

 

It is obvious that Homo in making his gestures either continued or imitated sounds that were already

extant in the animal world, such as the clicks of the cynocephalus, and other sounds which can be

identified with their zootypes, the animals that uttered the sounds before man had come into being. We

know that monkeys have an uncontrollable horror of snakes, and no doubt primitive man had similar

feeling. Now, supposing the primitive man in a difficulty wished to warn his fellows of the presence of a

snake, and had no words to convey the warning with, what would he do ? What could he do but make

use of the imitative faculty which he possessed in common with the ape ? He would try to utter some

signal of warning in an imitative manner! The sound would have to be self-defining i.e., a snake-sound for

 

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a snake. It is usually said that snakes hiss. But the Africans represent them as puffing and blowing rather

than hissing, as we have it expressed in the name of the puff-adder. When the snake swelled and

distended itself, reared up and puffed, it made the sound which constituted its own audible sign: and the

human being would naturally repeat that sound as his note of warning to anyone in danger. The apes will

do so much, for they will swell and puff and thrust out the mouth, expel their breath and spit at sight of

the snake. This representative sound turned into a note of warning would in time be accompanied by a

gesture that portrayed to the eye some visible likeness to the thing signified by the sound. To do this the

mimic would swell and puff out his cheeks in puffing out his breath. He would thus become the living

likeness of the puff-adder, both to eye and ear. The man would represent the audible image and visible

likeness of the snake, and such a representation would belong to the very genesis of gesture language

and natural hieroglyphics. Further, we have the means of proving that such was the process in the

beginning. The puff-adder, the [Page 44] cerastes or horned snake, remains the Egyptian hieroglyphic sign

for the phonetic figure or letter F, the syllabic Fu, which was an ideographic fuff or puff-adder. The

swelling, puffing, fuffing snake is self-named and self-defined in the first or ideographic stage - it then

becomes fu in the second or syllabic stage, and finally is the letter F of modern language, where it still

carries the two horns of the hieroglyphic snake. Here we see the survival of the snake as one of the

mythical authors of language, like the Ape, the Ass, the Goose, the hissers, purrers, grunters, roarers

previously described.

 

Sometimes the zootypes are continued and remain apparent in the personal name. Some neighbors of

the present writer; who are known by the name of Lynch, have a Lynx in their coat-of-arms, without ever

dreaming that their name was derived from the Lynx as their totem, or that the Lynches were the Lynxes.

This is one of numerous survivals of primitive totemism in modern heraldry. Again, the Lynx is one of the

animals which have the power of seeing in the dark. The Moon is an eye that sees by night, or in the

dark. This was represented as the eye of the Lynx or the Cat, the Seer being divinized as a Lynx in

Mafet, an Egyptian Goddess. The seeing power thus divinized is marked in later language by the epithet

"Lynx-eyed". Lastly, there are something like 1,000 Ideographic signs in the Egyptian hieroglyphics, and

only 26 letters in our alphabet. So few were the sounds, so numerous the visible signs of things and

ideas. We now know that man had a language of gesture-signs when he was otherwise dumb, or could

only accompany his visible signs with clicks and other ape-like sounds, which he kept on repeating with

intention until they were accepted at an exchange-able value as the first current coinage or counters of

speech before words. The Zootypes were also continued in the religious Mysteries to visibly and audibly

denote the characters assumed in this primitive drama. Just as the Zulu girl could not come to her

mistress because she was now a Frog, so the Manes in Amenta exclaim, "I am the Crocodile". "I am the

Beetle!" "I am the Jackal!" "I am the God in Lion-form!" These express his powers. They are also the

superhuman forms taken by the superhuman powers, Power over the water, Power of transformation,

Power of resurrection, Power of seeing in the dark of death, together with others, all of which are

assumed because superhuman. In assuming the types he enters into alliance with the powers, each for

some particular purpose, or, rather,- he personates them. When surrounded by the enemies of the Soul,

for example, he exclaims, "I am the Crocodile-God in all his terrors" This has to be read by the Osirian

Drama. Osiris had been thus environed by the Sebau and the associates of the evil Sut when he lay

dismembered in Sekhem. But he rose again as Horus. In this case the Crocodile-type of terror was

employed: and down went the adversaries before the Almighty Lord - thus imaged in Sign-Ianguage. The

Masquerade continued in later Mysteries with the transformation of the performers in the guise of beasts,

birds, and reptiles, had been practised in the Mysteries of Amenta, where the human Soul in passing

through the Nether World assumed shape after shape, and made its transformation from the one to the

other in a series of new births according to the Kamite doctrine of metempsychosis, which it [Page 45] was

afterwards perverted and turned to foolishness in India and in Greece. In this divine drama the Soul from

 

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earth is assimilated to the zoo types or is invested in their forms and endowed with their forces which had

figured forth the earlier Nature-powers in the mythology. The Egyptian Ritual is written in this language of

animals, and never was it read in the past, never will it be in the future, unless the thinking can be done

in the Ideographic types of thought. Merely reading the hieroglyphics as phonetics is but a first lesson in

Sign-Ianguage.

 

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Book 2of 12

 

TOTEMISM, TATTOO AND FETISHISM AS FORMS OF SIGN-LANGUAGE

 

[Page 46] With due search we shall find that the unwritten and remotest past of primitive man is not

immemorial after all that may have been lost by the way. Most obscure conditions have been more or

less preserved and represented in the drama of primitive customs; in the mirror of mythology and the

Sign-Ianguage of Totemism. Ceremonial rites were established as the means of memorizing facts in

Sign- language when there were no written records of the human past. In these the knowledge was

acted, the Ritual was exhibited, and kept in ever-Iiving memory by continual repetition. The Mysteries,

totemic or religious, were founded on this basis of action. Dancing, for example, was a mode of Sign-

language in all the mysteries. To know certain mysteries implied the ability to dance them, when they

could not be otherwise expressed. The Bushmen say that the Mantis-Deity Kagn taught them the

Mysteries of dancing under the type of the "Praying Mantis" or the leaping grasshopper. Primitive men

had observed the ways and works of Nature, and imitated all they might as a means of thinking their

meaning when they could not talk. They danced it with the Grasshopper, they writhed and swelled and

puffed it with the Serpent; they panted it with the Lion, roared it with the Hippopotamus, hummed it with

the insects, pawed and clicked it with the Ape. In short, they acted in accordance with the example of

their forerunners on the earth. They not only wore the skins of animals and feathers of birds, they made

their motions in Totemic dances and imitated their cries as a primary means of making themselves

understood. From the beginning in the far-off misty morning of the past, dancing in the likenesses of

animals was a Totemic mode of demonstration. Amongst the earliest deities of Egypt are Apt and Bes,

who issue forth from Inner Africa as dancers in the act of dancing the mystery of the phallic dance, and in

the skins of animals. The Arunta Tribes of Central Australia dance the Unthippa Dance in the ceremony

of young-man-making at the time of circumcision. This tells the story of the way they came in what is

known as the “Range all along". (Spencer and Gillen, Native Tribes of Central Australia, page 442.) It is

said to be the dance of the Unthippa Women in the Alcheringa who were beings of both sexes and who

danced all the way "until their organs were modified and they became as other women are". This denotes

the status of the [Page 47] pre-Totemic people who were as yet undivided by the Totemic Rites of Puberty

which are now illustrated in the mystery of the dance. In the Initiation ceremonies of the males described

by Messrs Spencer and Gillen (page 381), a special dance of the women follows the making of the youth

into a man who is now welcomed by them into the ranks of the elders. A number of young women come

near. Each one is decorated with a double horse-shoe-shaped band of white pipe-clay which extends

across the front of each thigh and the base of the abdomen. A flexible stick is held behind the neck and

one end grasped by each hand. Standing in a group, the women sway slightly from side to side,

quivering in a most remarkable fashion, as they do so, the muscles of the thighs and the base of the

abdomen."The object of the decoration and movement is evident. It is to incite the youths and prepare

them for connubium. At this period of the ceremonies a general interchange and a lending of women also

takes place . “This women's dance goes on night after night for perhaps two or three-weeks”. The men

sing the “Corroboree Song" whilst the women dance the mystery of young-man-making, and show the

object and mode of it. In this case white pipe-clay was substituted for the white Undattha-Down with

which the female was usually embellished. Here the customs of the Totemic Mysteries naturally suggest

that a primary object in putting on fur and feather or down, and dancing in the skin of the Totemic Animal

at the festival of pubescence, was to dramatize the coming of age for sexual intercourse when this was

determined by the appearance of the pubes whether of the female or the male.

 

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There had been a pre-Totemic period of promiscuity in which there-was no regulated intercourse of

sexes, no marriage by the group, or of one half the group with the other half: At that time, or in the

primeval state, the earth as yet was undivided into South and North; the Mythical Cow was not yet cut in

twain, or the mother separated into the Two Women. Much is told us by tradition if we can but interpret

truly. It says the race of beings was not then divided, and had but one leg to go or stand on, meaning

there was but one stock. All the earth, in later phrase, being of one blood and of one language. The

sexes were not yet divided by the lizard, as female pubescence was quaintly figured. There was no

cutting of the male or opening of the female with the firestick or the stone knife by which the sexes were

divided, or made, or in the latter phrase "created" into men and women. These were the "Inapertwa"

beings in the Alcheringa who preceded women and men and were pre-Totemic. These were the

Unopened or the Uncircumcised, who had to be transformed into women and men by cutting and

opening; that is by introcision and circumcision, or subincision, by which they were made into women and

men in becoming Totemic. Dancing then was a dramatic mode of rendering the mysteries of primitive

knowledge in visible Sign-language. With the Tshi-speaking peoples "Soffa", the name of the priest,

signifies “the dancing man". The African Acholi in their- dances, says Sir H. Johnston, imitate animals

"most elaborately". An African potentate has been known to dance for some ten or fifteen minutes

together in receiving a distinguished European visitor, like Richard Burton, before he had represented all

his own titles of honour [Page 48] and claims to admiration in the language of dance and gesture-signs.

With the Bechuanas each Totem has its own special dance, and when they want to know the clan to

which a stranger may belong they will ask "What dance do you dance?" as an equivalent for the question

"To what clan do you belong?" These dances are continued in the Initiatory ceremonies of Totemism.

They tend to show that the shapes and sounds and movements of the Totemic animals were imitated in

the primeval pantomime by way of proclaiming the clan to which the particular group belonged. The

Totemic type was thus figured to sight in gesture-language before it could be known by name. Admission

into the Dacota Clan was effected by means of the great Medicine Dance. The Medicine Men of the

Iroquois have four dances which are sacred to themselves, no other person being allowed to dance

these Mysteries. The first is the " Eagle-Dance", the second the "Dark Dance" (performed in the dark);

the other two are the "Pantomime Dance" and the "Witches' Dance". (Myths of the Iroquois. Bureau of

Ethnology. Second Annual Report, 1880-81, page 116.) The Eagle being the Bird of Light, the Sun-Bird,

we may infer that the first two dances told the story of the Beginning with Light and Darkness, which was

thus rendered in gesture-language and continued to be memorized in that fashion by those who danced

such primitive Mysteries. We also learn from the sacred dances of the aborigines in the character of the

Bear, the Wolf, the Seal, the Crab, or other animal that the gesture-Ianguage included an imitation of the

Totemic zootype. The Mandan Indians dance the Buffalo-dance, the heads of the dancers being covered

with a mask made of the Buffalo's head and horns. In other dances of the Dog and Bear totems, the

dancers acted in the characters of the animals. The Llamas of Thibet dance the Old Year out and the

New Year in whilst wearing their animal masks. The Snake-dance is still performed by the Moqui Indians

of Arizona (Bourke, Snake-Dance of the Moquis, page116), arid also amongst the Australian aborigines

when they "make the Snake" in their sacred procession of the Mysteries (Howitt). It was a common

Totemic custom for the brothers and sisters to perform their commemorative ceremonies or mysteries in

the likeness of the Totemic animal. In the Australian Rites of Initiation the teachings and moral lessons

are conveyed in object-lessons pantomimically displayed. The various Totems are indicated by the

language of gestures. The " Rock-Wallabies" are initiated by jumping with the knees slightly bent and the

legs kept wide apart. The Kangaroos hop about in the likeness of the Totemic animal. The howlings of a

pack of dingoes or wild dogs are heard afar off as if in the depth of the forest. The sounds grow less and

less distant. At length the leader of the band rushes in on all fours followed by the others. They run after

each other on all fours round the fire, imitating the actions of wild dogs in the Dingo dance. (A. W. Howitt

on some Australian Ceremonies of Initiation.) With the Inoits at their religious fetes and anniversaries of

the dead, the biographies of the departed are told to the spectators in dumb show and dancing. With the

 

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Kakhyens of Northern Burmah it is the custom to dance the ghost out of the house at the time of the

funeral. The Egyptian mourners also accompanied the Manes on the way to Amenta with [Page 49] song

and dance, as may be seen in the Vignettes to the Book of the Dead, where the text deals with the

mysteries of the Resurrection. The same Mystery is expressed in the Black Fellow's jumping up a White

Fellow when he rises from the dead. It used to be the custom in Scotland for dancing to be kept up all

night long after a funeral (Napier, Folk-lore of West Scotland, page 66). Not as a desire of getting rid of

the Spirit, but as an act of rejoicing in dancing the Resurrection of the Spirit. The on-lookers often wonder

why the performers in Gaelic and Keltic dances should, when furiously dancing, give forth such inhuman

shouts and shrill blood-curdling cries. But there is nothing likelier than that these are remains of the

"Language of Animals", and a survival of the primitive Totemic practices. Leaping in the air with a shout

while dancing had a special dramatic significance. What this was may be inferred from the Egyptian

Funeral Scenes. That which had survived as the Dance of Death in the Middle Ages was the earlier

Dance of the Resurrection, or the rising again from the dead. The dancing occurs in the presence of the

mummy when this has been raised to its feet and set on end, which is then a figure of the risen dead.

The rising again was likewise imitated in the dance. Hence the women who are seen to be jumping with

curious contortions on some of the bas-reliefs are acting the resurrection. It is their duty and delight to

"dance that dance" for the departed (Papyrus of Ani). Thus, Sign-language, Totemism and Mythology

were not merely modes of representation. They were also the primitive means of preserving the human

experience in the remoter past of which there could be no written record. They constitute the record of

pre-historic times. The most primitive customs, ceremonial rites and revels, together with the religious

mysteries, originated as the means of keeping the unwritten past of the race in ever-living memory by

perennial repetition of the facts, which had to be acted from generation to generation in order that the

knowledge might become hereditary. This is a thesis which can be fully proved and permanently

established. Before ever a Folk-tale was told or a legend related in verbal speech, the acting of the

subject-matter had begun, dancing being one of the earliest modes of primitive Sign-Ianguage. Not

"trailing Clouds of Glory" have we come from any state of perfection as fallen angels in disguise with the

triumphs of attainment all behind us, but as animals emerging from the animal, wearing the skins of

animals, uttering the cries of animals, whilst developing our own; and thus the nascent race has traveled

along the course of human evolution with the germ of immortal possibilities in it darkly struggling for the

light, and a growing sense of the road being up-hill, therefore difficult and not to be made easy like the

downward way to nothingness and everlasting death.

 

It is now quite certain that speech was preceded by a language of animal cries, accompanied by human

gestures because, like the language of the clickers, it is yet extant with the Aborigines, amongst whom

the language-makers may yet be heard and seen at work in the pre-human way. The earliest human

language, we repeat, consisted of gesture-signs which were accompanied with a few appropriate

sounds, some of which were traceably continued from the predecessors of Man. A sketch from life in the

camp of the Mashona [Page 50] chief Lo Benguela, made by Bertram Mitford, may be quoted, much to the

present purpose:

 

 

“ He comes - the Lion! “ and they roared.

 

"Behold him - the Bull, the black calf of Matyobane!” - and at this they bellowed.

 

"He is the Eagle which preys upon the world!” -here they screamed; and as each imitative shout was

taken up by the armed regiments, going through every conceivable form of animal voice - the growling of

 

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leopards, the hissing of serpents, even to the sonorous croak of the bull-frog - the result was

indescribably terrific and deafening". (The Triumph of Hilary Blachland, by Bertram Mitford, page 28) In

this Sign-Ianguage, which was earlier than words, the Red Men acted their wants and wishes in

expressive pantomime whilst wearing the skins of the animal that was pursued for food. They "laid their

case" as it were before the Powers previous to the hunt. Each hunt had its especial dance which

consisted in the imitation of the motions, habits, and cries of the animals to be hunted. They climbed like

bears, built like beavers, galloped about like buffaloes, leaped like roes, and yelped like foxes.

(Chateaubriand, "Voyage en Amérique", page 142.) Travellers have detected a likeness betwixt the

scream of the Prairie-dog and the speech of the Apache Indians, who will imitate the animal so perfectly

as to make it respond to them from the distance. On the night of the Lunar festival, when waiting for the

Moon to rise, they will invoke her light with a concert of cries from their brethren of the animal world,

which include the neighing of the Horse, the whinnying of the Mule, the braying of the Ass, the screech of

the Coyote, the call of the Hyena, the growl of the Grizzly Bear, when this Totemic orchestra performs its

nocturnal overture in the Language of' Animals. The Zuni Indians in their religious service imitate the

cries of the beasts which are imaged as their fetishes in ceremonial rites at the council of Fetishes. They

sing a very long hymn or prayer-chant, and at the close of each stanza the chorus consists of the cries

which represent their Deities, called the Prey-Gods, in the guise of their Totemic Animals. Hall, in his “Life

with the Esquimaux", tells us how the Inoit look up to the Bear as superior to themselves in hunting the

seal. Because, as they say, the Bear "talks sealish", and can lull the animal to slumber with his

incantation. The Inoit have learned the secret of Bruin, and repeat his language all they can to fascinate,

decoy, and magically overcome the seal and capture it, but they are still beaten by the Bear. Dr. Franz

Boaz has recently discovered the remains of a very primitive tribe of Aborigines near the boundary

betwixt Alaska and British Columbia. They are called the Tsutsowt, and are hunted to death by the

Indians like wild beasts. They formerly consisted of two Clans that rigidly observed the ancient law of

Totemic connubium, no woman being allowed to marry within her own Clan. At present there is but one

Clan in existence, and the men of this Clan have been forced to seek for wives among the Indians of

Nass river. These Tsutsowt apparently talk in bird-Ianguage. They cheep and chirrup or whistle in their

speech with a great variety of notes.

 

The Supreme Spirit, Tharamulun, who taught the Murrung tribes [Page 51] whatever arts they knew, and

instituted the ceremonies of Initiation for Young-man-making, is said to have ordered the names of

animals to be assumed by Men. (Howitt, "On Some Australian Beliefs" ). Before the names could be

assumed, however, the animals were "adopted for Totems, and the earliest names were more or less the

cries and calls of the living Totems. The mothers would be known by their making the cry of their Totemic

animal, to which the children responded in the same pre-human language. The Sow (say) is the mother,

the children are her pigs. The mother would call her children as a sow, and the children would try to

repeat the same sounds in response. The Totemic Lioness would call her kittens by purring, and the cubs

would respond by purring. The Hippopotami, Lions, and other loud roarers would grow terrible with the

sounds they made in striking dread into the children. When as yet they had no names nor any art of

tattooing the Totemic figures on the flesh of their own bodies, the brothers and sisters had to demonstrate

who they were, and to which group they belonged by acting the character of the zootype in the best way

they could by crying or calling, lowing, grunting, or puffing and posturing like the animals in this primitive

pantomime or bal masqué. Thus the sign to the eye and the sound to the ear were continued pari passu

in the dual development of Sign-Ianguage that was both visual and vocal at the same time when the

brothers and sisters were identifying themselves, not with nor as the animals, but by means of them, and

by making use of them as zootypes for their Totems. The clicks of the Pygmies, the San (Bushmen), the

Khoi-Khoi (Hottentots), and the Kaffirs constitute a living link betwixt the human beginner and his

predecessor the Ape. The Bushmen possess about the same number of clicks as the Cynocephalus or

 

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Dog-headed Ape. The Monkey-Mother also menstruates; another link betwixt the Ape and the human

female. The Clickers born of her as blood-mother would be known by their sounds as Monkey-Men. Taht-

Aani is a Totemic monkey-man raised to the status of a divinity in Egypt. Hanuman is the same in India,

where the Jaitwas of Rajputana claim to be the descendants of the Monkey-God. And the Ape-Men,

imitating the Cynocephalus, would be on the way to becoming the human Clickers. Very naturally,

naming by words would follow the specializing by means of the Totemic types, as we have Tree the type,

and Tree the name; Bull the type, and Bull the name; Dove the type, and Dove the name; Lynx the type,

and Lynch the name. An instance is supplied by Frederick Bonney in his notes on the customs of the

River Darling Aborigines, New South Wales, which is also to the point. He observed that the children are

named after animals, birds, and reptiles, and the name is a word in their language meaning the

movement or habit of one of them.(Journal Anthrop Institute, May, 1883). The sound may be added. The

Totem (say) is an animal. First it was a figure. And from this a name was afterwards drawn, which at

times, and probably at first, was the voice of the animal.

 

The earliest formation of human society which can be distinguished from the gregarious horde with its

general promiscuity of intercourse between the sexes is now beginning to be known by the name of

Totemism, a word only heard the other day. Yet nothing later [Page 52] than the Totemic stage of

Sociology is fundamental enough as ground to go upon in discussing Sign-language, Mythology, and

Fetishism, or in tracing the rootlets of religion; and the study of the subject has but just commenced. It

had been omitted, with all its correlates and implications, from previous consideration and teachings

concerning the prehistoric past and present status of the scattered human family. On this line of research

the inquiries and explorations which go back to this tangible beginning are now the only profitable

studies. The results of these alone can be permanent. All the rest were tentative and transitory. But "No

satisfactory explanation of the origin of Totemism has yet been given". So says the writer of a book on

the subject. (Frazer, J. G., "Totemism.")

 

The author of "Primitive Marriage” who first mooted the subject in England, could make nothing of it in the

end. According to his brother, in a preface to "The Patriarchate" McLennan gave up his hypothesis and

ceased to have any definite view at all on the origin of Totemism. Nevertheless, McLennan was right in

his guess that the so-called "animal-worship of the Egyptians was descended from a system of Totems or

Fetishes" (Budge, " The Gods of the Egyptians", Vol. I., page 29), though " Worship", we protest again

and again, is not the word to employ; in this connection it is but a modern counterfeit. The Totem, in its

religious phase, was as much the sign of the Goddess or the God as it had been of the Motherhood or

Brotherhood. It was an image of the superhuman power. Thus the Mother-earth as giver of water was

imaged as a water-cow. Seb the Father of Food was imaged by the goose that laid the egg. Horus the

bringer of food in water was imaged by the fish or papyrus shoot. These, so to say, were Totems of the

Nature powers. But when it came to " worship" it was the powers that were the objects of supreme

regard, not the Totems by means of which the powers were represented; not the water-cow ,the goose,

the fish, the shoot, but the Goddess Apt, and the Gods Seb, Sebek- and Child-Horus. It is in the most

primitive customs that we must seek for the fundamental forms of rites and ceremonies. It is in Totemism

only that we can trace the natural genesis of various doctrines and dogmas that have survived to be

looked upon as a divine revelation especially vouchsafed to later times, in consequence of their having

been continued as religious Mysteries without the guidance of the primitive Gnosis.

 

The human past in its remoter range might be divided into two portions for the purpose, and described as

pre- Totemic and Totemic. The first was naturally a state of promiscuity more or less like that of the

 

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animals, when there were neither Totems, nor Law of Tabu, nor covenant of blood, nor verbal means of

distinguishing one person from another. The only known representatives of this condition now living are

the Pygmies of the Central African Forests. By Totemism we mean the earliest formation of society in

which the human group was first discreted from the gregarious horde that grovelled together previously in

animal promiscuity. The subject, however, has various aspects. The term has many meanings which

have to be determined by their types. Many years ago the present writer sought to show that Totemism,

Mythology, Fetishism, and the hieroglyphic system did not originate in separate systems of thought and

expression, as [Page 53] any modern "ism" sets up for itself, but that these had a common rootage in

Sign-language, of which they are various modes or forms. Totemism originated in Sign-language rather

than in Sociology, the Signs being afterwards applied for use in Sociology as they were in Mythology and

Fetishism. The name "Totem" is supposed to have originated in the language of the North American

Indians. The word Totem exists in the Ojibway language for a sign, a symbol, mark, or device of the

group, Gens, or Tribe. The Rev. Peter Jones, an Ojibway, spells the word "Toodaim". Francis Assikinack,

an Ottawa Indian, renders it by Ododam. The Abbé Thavenet, quoting from the Algonkin language, gives

nind Otem for "my tribe", and kit Otem for "thy tribe". The root of the word as here rendered is Tem or

Dem. The name and things thus denoted are found to be universal for a group, a gathering, a collection,

a total of persons, animals, huts or houses. The Magar Thum is the Phratry or Clan, of which there were

twelve altogether. The Attic township was called a Dem. The Sanskrit Dama is the home; Greek Domos,

Latin Domus, Sclavonic Domu, English Dome. Itembe = the dome is the roof in Niamwezi. In Zulu the

Tumu is an assemblage. In Maori, the Tamene is a collection of people. Also the Toma is a cemetery like

the Scottish Tom, and the Tumuli where the dead were gathered together. Tomo, in archaic Japanese,

denotes a gathering of persons who are companions. In Assyrian, likewise, the Timi are the companions.

As is usual in the present work, we turn to Egypt to see what the great Mother of Civilisation has to say

concerning the Tem and the Totem.

 

..µ (Tom) in Coptic signified joining together as in the Tem. The word "Tern" has various applications in

Egyptian. It signifies Man, Mankind, Mortals, also to unite, be entire or perfect. Moreover it is a name for

those who are created persons, as in making young men and young women in the Totemic ceremonies,

of which more hereafter. If ever the word "created" could be properly applied to the Making of Men and to

those who were grouped together, it is in Totemism. In Egyptian, Tem, or Tem-t, is not only a Total and to

 

be totalled.The sign of Tem-t in the Hieroglyphics is the figure of a total composed of two halves;

thus the Tern is one with the Total, and the Total comprised two halves at the very point of bifurcation and

dividing of the whole into two; also of totalling a number into a whole which commences with twofold

unity. And when the youths of the Aborigines on the River Darling are made men of in the ceremonies of

puberty - that is, when they are created Men - they are called Tumba. (F. Bonney.) It would seem as if the

word ,”Tem” for the total in two halves had been carried by name as well as by nature to the other side of

the world, for two classes in St. George's Sound are universally called Erinung and Tern. The whole body

of natives are divided into these two moieties. The distinctions, says Nind, are general, not tribal. They

agree, however, with the Arunta division into two classes of the Churinga at the head of the Totems which

represent the sub-divisional distinctions. (Scott Nind, Journal of Royal Geographical Society, Vol. I.,

1832.) The Egyptian Tem is also a place-name as well as a personal name for the social unit, or division

of persons. The Temai was a District, a Village, a Fortress, [Page 54] a Town or a City, on the way to

becoming the Dom, as we have it in the heirdom and the kingdom, for the whole or total that is governed

by a King. But the group-name for people preceded the group-name for a collection of dwellings, whether

for the living or the dead. Here the "Tern" is a total, as we have it in English for a "team" of horses, a

brood of ducks, a litter of pigs. Egypt itself had passed out of the Totemic stage of Sociology in

monumental times, but the evidences for its prehistoric existence are visibly extant in the place-names

and in the mirror of Mythology which reflects aloft a pre-monumental past of illimitable length. In Egypt

 

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the Zootypes of the Motherhoods and Companionships had become the Totems of the Nomes. Thus we

find the Nome of the Cow; the Nome of the Tree; the Nome of the Hare; the Nome of the Gazelle; the

Nome of the Serpent; the Nome of the Ibis; Nome of the Crocodile; Nome of the Jackal; Nome of the

Siluris; Nome of the Calf; and others. These show the continuity of Totemic Signs. Also the status of

Totemic Sociology survived in Egypt when the Artizans and Labourers worked together as the

Companions in Companies; the Workmen in the Temple and the Necropolis were the Companions; the

Rowers of a Ship were a Company like the Seven Ari or “Companions" on board the bark in the Mythical

representation. These Companions are the Ari by name, and the Totemic Ari can be traced by name to

Upper Egypt, where Ariu, the land of the Ari, is a name of the seventeenth Nome. (Brugsch.) At a remote

period Egypt was divided into communities the members of which claimed to be of one family, and of the

same seed - which, under the Matriarchate, signifies the same Mother-blood, and denotes the same

mode of derivation on a more extended scale.

 

So ancient was Totemism in Egypt that the Totems of the human Mothers had become the signs of

Goddesses, in whom the head of the beast was blended with the figure of the human female. The Totems

of the human Mothers had attained the highest status as Totems of a Motherhood that was held to be

divine, the Motherhood in Nature which was elemental in its origin. So ancient was Totemism in Egypt

that the Tems were no longer mere groups, clans, or brotherhoods of people, or a collection of huts like

the Tembs of the Ugogo. The human groups had grown and expanded until the primitive dwelling-places

had become great cities, and the burial-mounds of still earlier cities; the zootype of the Motherhood and

the Brotherhood had become the blazon of the kingdom. If we take the City to be the Egyptian Temai, the

Lion was the Totem of the Temai in Leontopolis; the Hare was the Totem of the Temai in Unnut; the

Crocodile was a Totem of the Temai in Crocodilopolis; the Cat in the Temai of Pi-Bast (Bubastes); the

Wolf was the Totem or Lycopolis; the Water-Cow of Teb; the Oxyrhynchus of Pi-Maza; the Apis of Ni-ent-

Hapi; the Ibis of Hermopolis; the Bull of Mendes; the Eel of Latopolis; the dog-headed Ape of Cynopolis.

 

When Egypt comes into sight, the Tems have grown into the Temais and the Totems into the signs of

Nomes, and she has left us the means of explaining all that preceded in the course of her long

development from the state of primitive Totemism in Africa: the state which more or less survives

amongst the least cultured or most [Page 55] decadent races that have scattered themselves and sown

the Kamite Wisdom which they carried as they crawled about the world; and, as the evidence shows,

when this identifiable Wisdom of the Ancient Motherhood was first carried forth from Egypt, she was in

the most ancient Totemic stage of Sociology. The “Tem", then, in the last analysis, as Egyptian, is a

Totality in two halves, also a total of "Created Persons", that is, of those who were constituted persons or

companions in the Tern or Group by means of the Totemic Rite. In other languages the Tem, Deme, or

Timi are the Group, or Brotherhood. And in the languages of the Red Men, the Dodam, Otem, or Ododem

is the symbol of the group of Brotherhood or Motherhood, who were known by their Totem. Totemism

really originated in the Sign-Ianguage of Inner Africa. Some thirty different Totems have been enumerated

as still extant amongst the natives of Uganda and Unyoro, and each Totem is connected with a birthplace

or place of origin for the family in relation to the Elemental Ancestry (Johnstone), which is the same as

with the Arunta in Australia. But a great mistake has hitherto been made in supposing that a sign called

the Totem had its origin in Sociology. The primitive type now generalized under the name of "the Totem"

was employed for various purposes as a factor in Sign-Ianguage. It might be personal, sexual,

sociological or religious. It might be the sign of legal sanction, or a type of Tabu. It might identify the

human Mother or the superhuman power that was invoked for water, for food and shelter as the Mother-

earth.

 

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Since the brief jottings on "Totemism" were made in the "Natural Genesis" (Section 2) much water has

passed beneath the bridge. A flood of light has been poured out on the subject by Messrs. Spencer and

Gillen in their invaluable work on the Native Tribes of Central Australia. The Wisdom of the Egyptians is

supplemented most helpfully by the traditions of the Arunta. The Gods and Goddesses may have been

relegated to the "Alcheringa", but much of the primitive matter has been preserved at a standstill which

had been transfigured by continued growth in Egypt. It is shown by the Arunta and other Australian Tribes

that certain Totemic districts were identified by or with the food they produce, as the district of the

Kangaroos, the district of the Emus, or the district of the Witchetty-Grubs. The Arunta Tribes are

distributed in a large number of small local groups, each of which is supposed to possess a given area of

country, and therefore of the food grown in it. Generally the group describe themselves by the name of

some animal, bird, or plant. One area belongs to the group who call themselves Kangaroo-Men; another

belongs to the Emu-Men; another to the Hakea-flower-Men; another to the people of the Plum-Tree. (N.

T., pages 8 and 9.) The tribal area of the Australian Euahlayi is likewise divided into hunting-grounds in

relation to food. According to Sir George Grey, the Natives say that the Ballaroke family derived their

name from the Ballaroke, a small opossum, on account of their having subsisted on this little animal; and

of the Nag-Karm Totem he tells us the Nagarnook family obtained their name from living principally in

former times upon this fish. These, then, were food- totems. So likewise are the Witchetty-Grub, the

Kangaroo, and the [Page 56] Emu of the Arunta groups. Scott Nind also tells us that the tribes of the

Torndirrup and Moncalon classes are in a measure named from the kind of game or food found most

abundant in the district (Journal of Royal Geographical Society, 1832 ), which is the same as saying that

the members of the Emu-totem were named from the Emu-bird, or the Kangaroos from the Kangaroo-

animal, naming from food being sub-divisional and later than the descent from the Tree and Rock or the

Churinga of the two primary classes. The most important ceremonies of the Arunta are performed for the

sake of food, that is for increasing the supply of the plant, animal, bird, or insect which is the Totem of the

particular group that enacts the rite and makes the magical appeal. The Emus perform, propitiate, and

plead for abundance of Emus. The Witchetty-Grub people ask for plenty of Beetles. These not only eat

their Totem, they are also its protectors. The Totem was eaten ceremonially as a type of the food that was

asked for, with its likeness drawn upon the ground in the blood of the brotherhood.

 

It is obvious that both in Australia and Inner Africa the primitive Totemic mapping-out includes that of

food-districts, and that the special food of certain districts was represented by the Totem of the family or

tribe. At the time of the 6th Egyptian Dynasty one family branch of the Hermopolitan Princes owned or

possessed the Nome of the Hare whilst another governed the Nome of the Gazelle. (Maspero, "Dawn of

Civilisation", English Translation, page 523.) These in the primitive stage would be the food-districts of

the totemic Hares and Gazelles, and this status has been preserved in Australian Totemism with the

ownership retained by the group. The totemic origin of the zootypes assigned to the Egyptian Nomes is

shown when the animals .. were not to be eaten as common food. As Plutarch says, the inhabitants of

the Oxyrhynchus Nome did not eat a kind of Sturgeon known as the Oxyrhynchus. (Of Isis and Osiris,

page 7.) Also, the people of Crocodilopolis would not eat the flesh of the Crocodile.

 

The notions of Totemism previously entertained have been upset by the new evidence from Australia,

which tends to prove that the Totem was first of all eaten by the members of the group as their own

especial food. Hence they were appointed its preservers and cultivators, and were named after it.

According to the present interpretation, the Totem primarily represented the maternal ancestor, the

mother who gave herself for food and was eaten, and who as the mythical Great Mother in Egypt was the

Goddess Hathor in the Tree; the suckler as Rerit the Sow, the Nurse as Rannut the Serpent, the enceinte

Mother as Apt, who was fleshified for eating as the totemic Cow. The object of certain sacred ceremonies

 

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associated with the Totems is to secure the increase of the animal or plant which gives its name to the

Totem. Each totemic group has its own ceremony and no two of them are alike, but however they may

differ in detail the most important point is that one and all have for their main object the purpose of

increasing the supply of food; not food in general, but the particular food that is figured by their Totem.

For example, the men of the Emu-totem perform their special ceremony and pour out the oblation of

blood in soliciting plenty of Emu. There can be no mistake in the kind of food that is piously besought, as

a likeness of the Emu-bird is portrayed on the ground in the blood [Page 57] of the tribe to indicate the

Power that is appealed to. Thus, in the very dawn of ownership by the group, when property was

common and not several, the Totem would be a sign of that which came to be called property as the

special food of the totemic family or clan. A group of totemic Kangaroos would be the owners and eaters

of the Kangaroo in their locality. A group of totemic Emus would be the owners and eaters of the Emu.

Those whose Totem was the Tree would eat the fruit of the Tree a Totem being the veritable image of the

food. The women of the Grass-seed Totem fed upon the Grass-seed in the Alcheringa. The women of the

Hakea-totem always fed upon the Hakea-flower in the Alcheringa. After the men of the Witchetty-Grub

have performed the Intichiuma ceremony for increase of food, the Grub becomes Tabu to the members

of the Totem, and must on no account be eaten by them until the animal is abundant and the young are

fully grown. If this rule should be broken it would nullify the effect of the ceremony. (N. T., page 203.) If

the Witchetty-Grub men were to eat too much of their Totem the power of performing the ceremony for

plenty would depart. At the same time, if they were not to eat a little of the totemic animal it would have

the same effect as eating too much. Hence the sacred duty of tasting it at certain times. The people of

the Emu-totem very rarely eat the eggs. If an Emu-man who was very hungry found a nest of eggs he

would eat but one. The flesh of the bird may be eaten sparingly, and only a very little of the fat, eggs and

fat being more tabu than the meat. "The same principle holds good through all the totems. A carpet-

snake man will eat sparingly of a poor snake, but he will scarcely touch the reptile if it be fat". (N. T., page

202.) That was left, like the finest grain, for seed. So the members of the Irriakura-totem do not eat their

Totem for some time after the ceremony of Intichiuma. The man of the Idnimita-totem, a large long-

horned beetle, may not eat the grub after Intichiuma until it becomes abundant. It is the same with the

men of the Bandicoot Totem. But when the animal becomes plentiful, those who do not belong to the

Totem go out in search of one, which when caught is killed and some of the fat put into the mouth of the

Bandicoot-men, who may then eat a little of the animal. (Pages. 204 to 207.) Again, the Arunta have a

custom or ceremony in which the members of any local group bring in stores of the totemic plant or

animal to their men's camp and place them before the members of the Totem. Thus, as Messrs. Spencer

and Gillen remark, "clearly recognizing that it is these men who have the first right of eating it" (page

210), because it was their Totem. In this social aspect, then, Totemism was a means of regulating the

distribution of food, and in all likelihood it must have included a system of exchange and barter that came

to be practised by the family groups. In this phase the Totem was a figure of the especial kind of food that

was cultivated and sought to be increased by the magical ceremonies of the group. If we were to

generalize, we should say that in the beginning the "food" represented by the Totem, whether animal or

vegetable, was both cultivated or cared for, and eaten by the members of that Totem. In scarcity, it was

eaten less and less, and was more and more prohibited to the brotherhood, for social, religious or

ceremonial reasons, and that this was certainly one of the origins in Totemism. The Totem as food may

[Page 58] partly explain the totemic life-tie when the human brother is taught to take care of the animal

and told to protect it because his life is bound up with the animal's so closely that if it dies he too must

die.

 

Totemism, however, does not imply any worship of animals on the part of primitive men. It is the sheerest

fallacy to suppose that the most undeveloped aborigines began to worship, say, fifty beasts, reptiles,

insects, birds, or shrubs, because each in some way or measure fulfilled one of fifty different conceptions

 

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of a divinity that was recognized beneath its half-hundred masks. Moreover, if primitive men had begun

by worshipping beasts and holding their deadliest foes religiously sacred as their dearest friends; if they

had not fought with them for very existence inch by inch, every foot of the way, to conquer them at last,

they never could have attained supremacy over their natural enemies of the animal world. It would be

going against all known natural tendency for us to imagine that human nature in the early stage of

Totemic sociology was confused with that of the lower animals. The very earliest operation of the

consciousness which discreted the creature with a thumb from those who were falling behind him on four

feet was by distinguishing himself from his predecessors: and the degree of difference once drawn, the

mental landmark once laid down, must have broadened with every step of his advance. His recognition of

himself depended on his perceiving his unlikeness to them, and it can be shown how the beasts, birds,

reptiles, and fishes were first adopted as zootypes on account of their superhuman and superior power in

relation to the , various elements, and therefore because of their unlikeness to the nature of the human

being. The ancestral animal then is neither an ideal nor imaginary being as a primitive parent supposed

to have been a beast, or a bird, a plant, or a star, any more than the first female as head of the Gaelic

Clan Chattan was a great cat, or was believed to be a Great Cat, by the brothers in the Clan Sutherland.

 

However ancient the mythical mode of representing external nature, some sort of sociology must have

preceded mythology and been expressed in Sign-Ianguage. Actuality was earlier than typology. Thus

amongst the American Indians we find that Earth, Water. Wind, Sun, and Rain are Totems, without being,

as it were, put into type by mythology. This, which can be paralleled in Africa and Australia, points to a

beginning with the elements of life themselves as the objects of recognition which preceded the

zootypes; the elements of water, earth, air, and vegetation. It need scarcely be re-asserted that Totemism

was a primitive means of distinguishing the offspring of one Mother from the offspring of the other; the

children of the Tree from the children of the Rock, the hippopotami from the crocodiles, the serpents from

the swine. The earliest sociology touches on promiscuity at the point of departure from the human horde

when the Mother was the only parent known. The Mother comes first, and from that point of departure

the Egyptian representation reflects the sociology in the Mirror of the Mythos. In the pre-Totemic stage,

there was one Mother as head of the family. This is repeated in Egyptian Mythology. In Totemism the

Motherhood is divided between two sisters, or a Mother and an elder sister. This [Page 59] is repeated in

Egyptian Mythology. In Totemism the dual Motherhood is followed by the brotherhoods. This is repeated

in Egyptian Mythology beginning with the Twin-Brothers Sut and Horus, or the Black Vulture and the

Golden Hawk, which are equated by, or continued as, the Crow and Eagle-Hawk of Karween and Pundjel

in Australia. In Totemism the two Brothers are followed by four or six in a group, and these are consorts

of the sisters in group-marriage. So is it in the Egyptian Mythos. In this way Mythology will lend its

search-light to show the backward path of prehistoric Totemism.

 

At a very early stage the boys became the Consorts of the Mother. When of age they would enter into

connubium with her, the eldest being first. Incest at the time was naturally unknown, it being the same

with them as with the animals. This status is reflected in the mirror of Mythology. For example, there is

evidence that the eldest Son was the earliest representative or outline of a Father and that he cohabited

with his own Mother on purpose to keep pure the Mother-blood. This is an African institution. The Queens

of Cape Gonzalves and Gaboon are accustomed to marry their eldest Sons as a means of preserving

pure the royal blood. It was a very stringent law and custom with the Yncas of Peru that the heir to the

kingdom should marry his eldest sister. (Bastian, Der Mensch in der Gescht'chte, Val. III., page 293;

Wearne, S.,Journey to the Northern Ocean, page 136.) This custom also is reflected in Egyptian

Mythology. Indeed, so perfectly have the prehistoric sociological conditions been preserved by the

Egyptians in their Mythical rendering of the natural fact that the very beginning in Heaven is with the first

 

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departure from utter promiscuity as it was on earth. The Genetrix as typical Woman is both Mother and

Consort to her own Children. Hence Apt, the old first Mother of Gods and Men, was called the “Great

Mother of him who is married to his Mother". That is, of Horus as the Crocodile-headed Sebek. Sut, the

male. Hippopotamus, was also both Son and Consort of the same first Mother. As Hor-Apollo says,

"when the male Hippopotamus arrives at its prime of life it consorts with its own Mother". This was the

status of Sebek-Horus, who was termed the husband of his Mother. The earliest powers born of the

Earth-mother were thought of as fecundating her in utero; Sut as the Hippopotamus, Sebek as the

Crocodile, Shu as the Lion, Elder Horus as the Child. The tradition of the sons who consorted with the

Mother is to be detected in the story told of Mars by Herodotus (b. ii., 64). He describes an Egyptian

festival which the priests informed him was instituted to celebrate or commemorate the ravishing of his

Mother by the God Mars. Now Mars, in Egypt, is the warrior Shu, who was one of the sons that cohabited

with the Mother. Thus Sut, Horus, and Shu are all three described in this pre-Totemic character. There

were seven altogether of these Sons who were Consorts of the Mother in Mythology, and who reappear

with the Old Harlot and partake of her cup of fornication in the Book of Revelation. At a later time both

Sut and Horus were denounced as “Violators of their Mother."When Isis uttered the cry of "No Crocodile",

Horus had violated his Mother, and it was the Mother who effected the "Act of Salvation" by refusing the

incestuous intercourse of Son and Mother, whether of the uterine Son or only of [Page 60] the same

Totem, which in this case was the Crocodile. (Magic Papyrus, page 7.) With Sut as Violator, it was the

Hippopotamus; with Horus the Crocodile, with Shu the Lion. Thus, in the mirror of Egyptian Mythology

human promiscuity is reflected when the Great Mother's own Sons are her Consorts. Polyandry is

represented when brothers and sisters couple together, as did Shu and Tefnut. The African marriage of

one male with two sisters is reflected in the mythos when Osiris is the consort of Isis and Nephthys.

 

If we take the word "Totem" to indicate a sign, the earliest sign or symbol to be identified in Totemism was

related to the fact of feminine pubescence. This was the Word that issued out of silence in the Beginning.

The earliest law of covenant or tabu was based upon the transformation that occurred at the time when

the girl became a woman ready for connubium. This was the mystery of a transformation that was a

primal source of all the transformations in the folk-tales of the world. The girl became a woman as a

natural fact. This had to be expressed in the visible language already drawn from external nature. We are

told by Theale, the Cape historian, that the only festival celebrated by the Zulu-Kaffirs to-day is one that

is kept when the girl becomes pubescent. This was indeed the mother of mystery, the mystery of all

mysteries ever solemnized or celebrated by the people of the past. It was a time of rejoicing because the

girl had come of age and was now ready to be welcomed into communal connubium by the whole group

of grown-up males. When the female had attained pubescence and become of age the opening period,

as it is commonly designated, was proclaimed, and confirmation given in various modes of Sign-

Ianguage. The fact was tattooed on the person. A cicatrice was raised in the flesh. Down was exhibited

as a sign of the pubes. The Zulu women published their news with the Um-Iomo or mystical mouth-piece.

The act may be read on behalf of the women by assuming the operation to have been female from the

first, and then passed on to the boys. The girl in her initiation joins the ranks of the Motherhood. She has

attained her opening period. The tooth is knocked out to visualize the opening. One of the signs of

readiness shown by the Arunta women was the erection of the sacred Pole immediately after the

ceremony of introcision had been performed. A Purulu woman of the Achilpa Totem (in the mythical past)

is said to have had a large Nurtunja. This when erected stood so high as to be seen by the men a long

way off. The woman showed her Undattha or down (typical of the pubes and pubescence) and the men

performed the rite upon her, and then they all had intercourse with her. (N.T., page407.) The special fact

then signified by the raising of her Nurtunja, or sacred pole, was that her womanhood was now

accomplished. This may explain why no Nurtunja is used but once, a fresh one being made for every

ceremony. Also why Churinga were hung upon the pole to intimate her Totem.

 

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The name for a Totem (in Luganda) is Muziro, which signifies something tabooed: "something I avoid for

medical or other reasons". This tends to identify the Totem in one of its aspects as a teacher of Tabu in

relation to the primitive mystery of female nature.

 

The fact is that the Sign-language of Totemism was in existence long before two groups of people were

distinguished from each other [Page 61] by two different signs or zootypes. Sign-Ianguage is far older than

any form of Totemic sociology .The signs now known as Totemic were previously extant; they had served

other uses, and were continued for other purposes. The very first thing to regulate in primitive marriage

was the time at which the pubescent girl was marriageable. This was determined primarily by nature and

secondly by the preparatory rite. As shown by the Australian customs, no girl was marriageable until the

rite of introcision had been performed upon her person. Her Totem followed the Totemic rite as her

heraldic badge. Thus a first division was made to indicate the fit and protect the unfit from savage

assault, when the Totem was individual and feminine. So in the mysteries of Artemis no young woman

was considered marriage-able until she had danced in the bear-skin at the Mysteries; the Bear-skin that

symbolized the pubes or pubescence, as did the down of birds or the skin of the serpent. The natural

raison d' être, the primary need for the Totem, was in its being a sign of feminine pubescence. In a state

of sexual promiscuity the first thing to be determined was the Mother-blood. This was manifested at the

period of puberty and the Totem was adopted as the symbol of motherhood. The manifestor was now a

frog, a serpent, a she-bear, or as we say, a Woman to be distinguished by her Totem. The Totem then

was the sign of "Earth's first blood" on this most primitive natural ground. When the Australian black

described the Churinga-like sacred stones of New South Wales as "All same as bloody brand", he meant

the blood-brand, or Totemic mark, and thus identified the Mother-Totem with the Mother-blood. The

different mother-hoods were recognized as different Mother-bloods which were visibly discriminated by

the different Mother-Totems. The recognition of the Mother-blood, even in the undivided horde, would

naturally lead to the Blood~motherhood which we postulate as fundamental in Totemism. At first no

barrier of blood was recognized. The brothers and sisters of the same mother intermarried although they

were, or because they were originally of the same one blood. When the nations of the earth were all of

one blood it was the blood of the Mother, who in her mystical aspect is the Virgin-Mother of the Mythos

and the Eschatology. On entering the ranks of the motherhood the girl assumed her sign which signified

that she was now a woman. In being made Totemic she was recognized by her zootype - that is, by the

reptile, beast, or bird of the Totem into which she had first made her transformation at the time of puberty.

In various legends it was said that in making this transformation the young women were changed into

beasts. Once on a time a young girl in Arcadia transformed into an animal. It is common in the folk-tales

for the female to change into a hyena, a tigress. a serpent, a lioness. or some other beast or reptile. It

was the same with the Zulu-Kaffir girl who became a frog. When her change occurred she was no longer

a tadpole of a girl, but a full-blown frog and in the human sense a woman. The beginnings were very

lowly in Sign-language. It had been awesomely remarked that the serpent had the faculty of sloughing its

skin and renewing itself. Hence it is said by the Kaffirs that when the girl makes her change [Page 62] she

is visited by the great serpent, or, in other legends, she is said to change into a serpent. In the Arunta

tradition the two females who are the founders of Totemism and finishers of the human race made their

transformation into the lizard. (N.T., page 389.) The native women of Mashonaland also tattoo

themselves with the lizard-pattern that is found on their divining tablets when they come of age. (Bent., i

page 305.) Thus the lizard in one instance, the serpent in another, the frog in a third, is the type of beast

or reptile into which the young woman is said to transform at the particular period. Hence the lizard, frog,

and serpent remain as fetishes with the aborigines. Both lizard and frog were continued in Egypt, but the

serpent there attained supremacy. At the coming of age the girl changed into a lizard, a frog, or a serpent

as a mode of indicating her status as a woman, whether in nature or in Totemism. Thus three different

types, the lizard, frog, and serpent, are identified as figures of the fact in nature, with the "beast" or reptile

 

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into which the young girl made her transformation in the mysteries of motherhood which formed the

mould of other later mysteries in Totemism and mythology; the types of which were worn by the

Goddesses as well as by the Egyptian women. The amulet of Isis which she tied round her neck when

she had conceived Child-Horus corresponded to the Totemic sign of the pubescent Virgin. It was of

blood-red stone and it imaged the blood of Isis. (Plutarch, c. 65.) The girl was changed into the woman at

the time of puberty, therefore the Totem was a type of motherhood. In a sense it was the Crown of

Maternity which in Egypt was represented by the serpent of renewal. In attaining this type the girl

became a lizard or the Zulu maiden was said to be visited by the great serpent. The serpent that visited

the Kaffir maiden was also a Totem of the Virgin-goddess Rannut, in the Kamite mythos, and this was

doubled to be worn by the Egyptian Queens as the symbol of Maternity or a Totem of the dual

Motherhood, in the characters of Girl and Woman, Maid and Mother, Virgin and Gestator. We may now

affirm that Totemism was founded on the nature of the female as a mode of showing when the maiden

might be admitted into the ranks of Motherhood, and the young girl made her transformation into the

animal and became a frog, a lizard, serpent, crocodile, bear, lioness, cat or other zootype as the bringer-

forth of human offspring in the mask. Which animal was represented would depend upon the Totem of

the Motherhood or the Group of Males. And here it may be asserted that for the first time we touch

another of the several tap-roots of Totemism.

 

The Totem has sometimes been called the "original Ancestor", as if it were a representative of the human

Father. But the sole original Ancestor in sociology, in Totemism, in mythology, is the Mother; and the

female Totems of the Motherhood on earth were repeated as the Totems of the Mother in heaven, or in

the Astronomical Mythology. One object of the Totem being worn in the form of the Skin, the badge of

tattoo, or the crest, was to signify the "blood" which could only be determined by the Motherhood, so that

the children of the same Totem could or should not intermarry because they were or were not of one

blood. It follows, therefore, that the earliest Totems must have signified the Mother as a means of

identifying the one [Page 63] blood of her children. Descent from the Mother, identified by her Totem, is

indicated from one end of Africa to the other, when the Egyptian Pharaoh wears the tail of the Cow, the

Kaffir chief or Bushman the tail of the Lioness, and the Hottentot is the Son of the yellow Lion-tail. So is it

in the Egyptian Mythology where, the priority of the Mother-Totem is well exemplified. Shu is also a Son

of the Lion-tail, the She-Lion, and he carries the Ur-heka or Great Magical Power on his head. This is the

hinder-part of the Lioness; and the tail of a Lioness on his head denotes the Lioness as a Mother-Totem

from which the child traces his descent as a lion. The earliest human being individualized was

necessarily the Mother. She and her children formed the primal family, whose tie was that of Blood-

Motherhood, a tie that must have been already common with the horde in pre -Totemic times, the one

blood of Motherhood being the original source of all Blood-Brotherhood. The primary form of human

personality (Personâ) was that attained by woman under the Matriarchate as the Mother. Fortunately

Providence placed the Mother first and secured her on the side of procreant nature, for the perpetuation

of the race. It has been cast up against Woman that she is Mother first and Consort afterwards, and that

the Maternal instinct reigns supreme. But Woman was the Mother ages earlier than she could be the

wife. The Mother had the start by many thousand years. The child was known as hers from the

beginning. The husband was not. Her function was that of breeder for the group and bearer for the Tribe,

and not for love of the individual. She fulfilled the Ideal of Primitive Man as the Woman of infinite capacity,

like the Lioness, Hippopotamus, or other huge Titanic type of superhuman power and size. She may

have had her individual likes and dislikes, but was grimly governed in the grasp of stern Totemic Law. It

was perforce her duty to provide pasturage for forty feeding as "one" or the whole tribe, not to cultivate

her own personal preferences. The Mother necessarily grew predominant in the duality of her nature.

And still the noblest nature yet evolved is hers whose desire for maternity is dual, and who blends most

perfectly the love of the Mother and Wife in one.

 

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The solution of the problem now propounded is that the secret of the Totemic Sphinx, in its ultimate

secrecy, originated with the Totem being first of all a sign of feminine pubescence, and a personal means

of making known the natural fact; that it thus became a blazon of the Mother-blood and primal family

group; which tends to corroborate the suggestion now sought to be established that the Totem was a

figure of the female from the beginning, and that this was followed by along and manifold development in

the application of the Sign to the Motherhoods and Brotherhoods, and to the inter-marriage of the groups

now called Totemic.

 

There are two classes of tradition derived from Totemism concerning the descent of the human race.

According to one, human beings were derived from the Totemic animals, or Birds, as the Haidahs in

Queen Charlotte Sound claim descent from the Crow. According to the other, the Totemic zootypes are

said to have been brought forth by human mothers. The Bakalai tribes of Equatorial Africa told Du Chaillu

that their women gave birth to the Totemic animals, we have [Page 64] seen how, and that one woman

brought forth a Calf, others a Crocodile, a Hippopotamus, a Monkey, a Boa, or a Boar. (Du Chaillu,

Explorations and Adventures in Equatorial Africa, page 308.) The same statement as this of the Bakalai

is made by the Moqui Indians, who affirm that the people of their Snake-Clan are descended from a

woman who gave birth to Snakes. (Bourke, Snake-dance of the Moquis, page 177.) In various savage

myths we have seen how the animals are descended from human mothers. This is a complete reversal

of the supposed belief that the human race is descended from beasts, birds, reptiles, and all the other

Totemic types, and tends to show that the primary Totems were representative of the Mothers, whence

the alleged descent of the Totemic animals from human originals which of necessity were female; when

the Women as the authors of Totemism brought forth the types. Because the Mother was the primal

personality it followed that the earliest human group was a Motherhood. The Clan at first was Matriarchal.

This is still extant in the Oraon Maharis, which are the Motherhoods by name. (Dalton, Ethnology of

Bengal, (page 63.) When there was no individual fatherhood yet determinable, descent was in the female

line, from the Mother to the Eldest Daughter. These became the typical "Two Women" in Totemism and

the "Two Mothers" in Mythology because they had been the Two Mothers in the primitive Sociology, as

the Mother and the Eldest Daughter of the human family. The primary human group was naturally uterine.

The family first formed were the children of one Mother, and the human pact or tie was founded on the

one blood of the Mother; the Blood-Motherhood which determined the Blood-Brotherhood. According to

Schoolcraft, the Totems of the Algonquins denote the Mothers. The Emu, which is also "The Woman",

Ngalalbal, is a Mother-Totem of the Kurnai in Australia. When the Euahlayi tribe of Australia take their

Totem-names from their Mothers, and are divided into two groups as the Light-blooded and the Dark-

blooded, this indicates a two-fold derivation from the one Mother-blood, whether pre-Totemic or Totemic.

If we take the Bear as a Mother-Totem, we can understand the Ainu of Japan when they say their earliest

ancestor was suckled by a Bear. In that case the Totemic Mother was a She-Bear, and the fact was

memorized when the Ainu women suckled the young Bear that was to be killed and solemnly eaten at the

annual festival. Besides which, when the She-Bear was eaten in place of the human Mother the sex of

the Totem was determined by her being invested with a necklace and adorned with eardrops like a

woman.

 

It is the same when the Snake-Clan of Arizona claim descent from a Woman who gave birth to Snakes.

She was the Mother of that Totem and the Snakes were her children. But there was a Mother in

Mythology who did give birth to the Totem-animals, and who is confused at times with the human

Motherhood. This was the Mother-earth, who was represented by the snake as renewer of vegetation in

the Goddess Rannut. Egyptian Mythology is a mirror of Totemism from the beginning with the human

Mother who was the primal parent. And as it was in Totemism so is it in the Mythology and Eschatology

 

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of Egypt. In the beginning was the Great Mother, because the first person recognized in Totemism was

[Page 65] the Mother. The Totemism of Egypt was the basis of all its Mythology and Eschatology, but that

stage of sociology was almost silted under and hidden out of sight as one of the several strata of Egypt's

buried past. The Indians who trace their descent from the Spirit-Mother and a Grizzly Bear acknowledge

that the Bear, like that of the Ainos, was a She-Bear, and consequently a Mother-Totem. The Tugas

claimed descent from a She-Wolf, and the Tufans from a She-Dog. Descent from the Mother or in the

female line was universally recognized by the aborigines. From this it follows that the zootypes first

represented the Motherhoods; and when the males came to the fore the same animal would serve two

purposes. As female it would represent the motherhood; as male the brotherhood. A tribe of Indians still

living in North-West America claim to have descended from a Frog. If this was a Totem of the

Motherhood, the descent would be the same as if it were from the Goddess Hekat, only their sign is

simple Frog, whereas the Frog had been elevated in status by becoming an image of the Mother as

Mistress Hekat, the Froggess who typified the Divine Mother in the transforming Moon. The divine Cow of

the Todas is an extant type of the Great Mother as the giver of food, equivalent to Hathor, the Egyptian

Venus, the Cow that protected her Son with her body, primarily when the Mother was a Water-Cow. The

Toda Palal or High Priest obviously personates the Divine Son, and is the dispenser of blessings to the

world for the divine Motherhood that was represented by the Cow.

 

No race on earth so ignorant but that it has claimed descent from the Mother. And this human descent

being the recognized fact in Totemism from the remotest times, the descendants from the Mother who

could be, and was, identified as their own flesh and blood and breath, the Mother who gave visible birth

to the human offspring, and no other, from the womb, never could have claimed an actual descent from

animals, reptiles, birds, trees, stones and other objects, animate and inanimate. An Australian tribe

considered themselves to have been Ducks who at one time were changed into Men. In that case the

Duck would be a Totem of the Mother as the means of tracing their descent in the female line. When they

became Men the descent would be reckoned from the Male Progenitor. The Bygahs have a tradition that

the foster-mother of the first Man was a Milch-Tigress, and therefore, as we show, a Mother-Totem. In

this statement the foster-mother is distinguished from the human Mother and is identified by means of

her Totem as the Tigress and Lioness, or Sow or Water-Cow, or any other female zootype. The Hyena

was a Mother-Totem of Inner Africa. The Wanika in East Africa reverence this animal as ancestral. When

a Hyena dies it is bewailed by the whole people. The mourning for a chief is said to be nothing compared

with the death of a Hyena (New, Charles, Life and Wanderings, page 122), because, as we hold, of its

being a maternal zootype. It is certain that the hippopotamus was a Mother-Totem with the natives of the

Zambesi, who have now the greatest horror of touching its flesh. Livingstone's pilot would go without food

rather than cook it in the same pot which had contained any of the meat. (Livingstone, Zambesi.) As

Herodotus tells us, the first Mother of [Page 66] the Scyths was a Serpent-woman. With the Kings of

Abyssinia the line of descent was traced from the Serpent, which was therefore a Mother- Totem. The

process of divinizing the power by means of the type had begun in Africa beyond Egypt. The vulture in

Ashanti is the same sign of royalty as with the Egyptians. In Coomassie, says Ellis, "vultures are

considered birds sacred to the Royal Family". This is not in the same way as the leopard is to the leopard

family; but rather that these birds have been despotically declared to be sacred, " which means that they

are exceptionally sacred by being the totem of the Royal Family, or, as in Egypt, of royal and divine

Maternity. Any molestation of this bird was punishable with death. (Ellis, A. B., The Tshi-speaking People,

page 213.) It is a Mother-Totem like the vulture of Neith, which was both royal and divine, as the Bird of

Blood, the Mother-blood, the royal blood.

 

The Mother was the primal parent, and the Totem was a means of distinguishing one mother and one

 

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group of children from another before these were divided in the two classes of the Two Mothers. Single

Motherhood was natural1y known to the gregarious horde. Which means that the earliest Totems were

types of the female. This is shown in the Egyptian Mythology .that mirror of the Matriarchate. "Your

Mother" knew her children and they knew their Mother. "My Mother" knew her children, and they knew

their Mother. But without some permanent sign the children would go forth like the beasts from the lair

and the birds from the nest, and even this one natural link of relationship must have been lost in the

undistinguishable horde. That sign was the Totem as the earliest mode and means of identifying the

Mother and of memorizing the descent of the children upon any line of the original Matriarchate. The

mother's sign then was the Totem of her own children, male and female, differentiated by sex. "Your

Mother" was known by her Totem; "My Mother” by her Totem - to each other's children. The Mother's

Totem was naturally recognized by her own children. If "Your Mother" was a Lioness, the male offspring

knew themselves as her young Lions. If "My Mother" was a Hippopotamus, her children knew

themselves as Hippopotami, or Bulls of the Cow if male. The Mother was always human beneath the

Totemic mask which was needed, adopted, and worn to distinguish one human mother from the rest, so

that she could be identified by others who were not her children. Thus the first "Two Women", the "My

Mother" and "Your Mother" of the Kamilaroi, were recognized as the Emu and Iguana, and these became

the Totems of their children.

 

The Arunta in their isolation have preserved some relics of a primitive tradition of the pre-Totemic and

pre-human state in what they term the"Alcheringa". In this the mythical ancestors, the Nooralie, or Mura-

Mura of other tribes, are supposed to have lived. At that time, or in that condition, nothing human had

been evolved, distinct from other forms of life. As it is said, in those days there were neither men nor

women, only rudimentary creatures waiting to be humanized. The Alcheringa represents a mythical past

which did not commence with those who have no clue to the origins. It is a past that was inherited and

never had any contemporary existence for them. These rudimentary beings the Arunta call "the

Inapertwa, [Page 67] or imperfect creatures". We know what was meant by the term because it is still

applied to the girls who have not been opened and the boys who have not undergone the rite of

circumcision or sub-incision. Such beings still remained the same as the Inapertwa creatures because

they had not yet been made into men and women. The sexes were not then divided at puberty or, in

other words, had not yet become Totemic. The Arunta tradition tells us further that the change from pre-

human to human beings, and from the pre-Totemic to the Totemic status, was effected by Two Beings

who were called the Ungambikula, a word which signifies "out of nothing" or "self-existing". Though these

two are not designated Women, they are two females. There being no men or women in those days, only

the rudimentary Inapertwa, it was the work of the Ungambikula to shape the Inapertwa creatures into

women and men, with their lalira, or great stone knives, made of quartzite. These Two Beings were the

primitive creators of men and women from the undistinguishable horde of the imperfect Inapertwa as

founders of Totemism (N.T., page 388), by means of the Totemic rites. They are said to have changed the

Inapertwa into human beings belonging to six different Totems-(I) The Akakia, or Plumtree. (2) The

Inguitchika, or Grass-seed. (3) The Echunpa, or Large Lizard. (4) The Erliwatchera, or Small Lizard. (5)

The Atninpirichina, or Parakeet. (6) The Untaina, or Small Rat. The Two Beings having done their work of

cutting and carving which was to establish Totemism, then transformed themselves into lizards. Hence it

was the lizard of Australian legend that was reputed to have been the author of marriage, because the

lizard was an emblem of the feminine period.

 

It will be shown by degrees what the nature of these rudimentary creatures was, and what is their relation

to the human race and to Totemism. The same primeval tradition is to be found in the Mangaian myths of

creation. In this the beings born of Vari-ma-te-takere, the originator of all things, the very-beginning, dwelt

 

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in the Mute-land at the bottom of Avaiki. There was no verbal language in this land of the Great Mother.

You could not provoke an angry answer there. The only language known in the Mute-land is said to be

that of signs - "such as nods, elevated eyebrows, grimaces, and smiles". (Gill, page 6.)

 

“Avaiki is a land of strange utterance,

 

Like the sighs of a passing breeze;

 

Where the dance is performed in silence,

 

And the gift of speech is unknown". (Native song).

 

The Mother and Daughter of the Mangaian version take the place of the two female ancestresses in the

Arunta legend. Also, one name of the daughter in another of the islands was Papa or Foundation. In this

also the six Totems are equated by six parts of Avaiki, the body of the Great Mother (Mother-earth), who

is said to pluck off six portions of her flesh, from the right and left sides of her body, with which to form

her children. The tradition is one and universal with many variants. It is fundamentally the same in the

mythology of the Californian Indians, who tell us that at first their ancestors walked on all fours. Then they

began to put forth some members of the human body, such as a finger or a toe, until they were perfected

[Page 68] like the Inapertwa when these were made into men and women. They missed their tails, which

they lost as the result of having to sit up. It was a result of this derivation of the children from the mothers

illustrated by means of Totemic zootypes that the aborigines in various Asiatic and European countries

were despised and derided by later races as “The Men with Tails". When the Burmese call the Karens

“Dog-men", and the Airyas of India call the aborigines “Monkey-men" they are naming them derisively in

accordance with the primitive Totemic status. Nothing is more common than for the later lighter races to

accredit the old dark races with the possession of tails, as a continuation of the Totemic likeness. They

were the beast men, or their descendants from the earlier Totemic times and status. The Kickapoos tell a

humorous story of their ancestors who once were in possession of tails which they afterwards lost. Then

the impudent frog would send every morning and ask them how they felt without their tails, much to the

amusement of the bear, who used to listen and shake her fat sides with laughter at the joke. As the frog

had likewise lost its tail in the process of becoming a frog from a tad-pole we may see in this the

particular Totemic type of the Kickapoos that lost their tails. The tail or hinder part is naturally a Mother-

Totem. The tail of the lioness carried on his head is the Mother-Totem of .Shu. The Egyptian kings were

men with tails. They wore the tails of the lioness and the cow, which were two forms or zootypes of the

mythical mother, Neith the Milch-Cow (earlier, Apt, the Water Cow) and Tefnut, the Lioness. Here the tails

of the lioness and cow were worn by the human lion or bull who at one time sported his Mother- Totem in

the shape of the typical animal's tail. Various tribes on the Upper Nile are the wearers of artificial tails

made of hair , straw, or fibre of hemp, in place of the earlier skin. On grand occasions the Egyptian

judges and other dignitaries wore the tails of jackals made of horsehair. In Egyptian symbolism the jackal

represents the judge; and the tail of horsehair still survives with us as the queue of the judge's wig. The

fox in Europe took the place of the jackal as the zootype of the lawyer, and this preserves the character

of Anup, the jackal, as the sign of council and of cunning or wiseness on the part of those who “wear fur",

or the later silk.

 

One supreme and primary object of Totemism was the preservation of the Mother-blood in aboriginal

purity. This gave priority and un-paralleled importance to maternal Totems like those of the Serpent and

Vulture of the Mother which were symbols of royal and divine maternity in Egypt. The most profoundly

primitive of all the ancient mysteries was that of the Mother-blood. At the same time it was the most

profoundly natural. By this mystery it was demonstrated that blood was the basis of womanhood, of

 

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motherhood, of childhood, and in short, of human existence. Hence the preciousness of the Mother-

blood. Hence the customs instituted for its preservation and the purity of racial descent. Only the mother

could originate and preserve the nobility of lineage or royalty of race. And the old dark race in general

has not yet outlived the sanctity of the Mother-blood which was primordial, or the tabu-Iaws which were

first made statutable by means of the Mother's Totem.

 

In the Egyptian system of representation there are Seven Souls [Page 69] or life-forces recognized in

nature. Six of these were pre-human, elemental powers, born of the primary Great Mother when there

was as yet no human soul distinguished from the six that were the souls, such as light, or air, earth, or

water, and animal or vegetable life. The seventh soul alone was human. This was the soul of blood

brought forth by a Goddess in the human likeness. The earliest soul considered to be human, the soul

that was made flesh in the Child- Horus, was born of the Mother-blood, the blood of Isis, and, as such,

was distinguished from the earlier elemental powers, otherwise the six Totemic and pre-human souls.

The Blood-Mother was imaged as the Virgin Neith who was represented in one phase by the vulture that

was fabled, like the pelican, to pierce its thigh and give its off-spring her own blood for nourishment. (Hor-

Apollo, B. I. I I.) This was as the conceiver of a soul that was incarnated by the Blood-Mother. The blood

that was considered to be the soul of life, in a series of seven souls, is the blood of the female - not the

typical blood of the male; the blood of Isis, not the blood of Adam, Atum, or Belus; and it can be shown

that the human race, distinguished from the preliminary people, originated in the Mother-blood. This was

a demonstration made by nature herself on grounds as permanent as they were primitive. The

reproduction of human life and the means of descent were dependent on the Mother-blood. By this same

means the Mother also attained her supremacy, the Matriarchate being based upon the Mother-blood

that was to be so preciously preserved and memorized. According to the Egyptian wisdom, the salvation

of the human race was effected by the blood of Isis. Salvation was perpetuation. Isis was the Virgin-

Mother, and hers also was the Mother-blood. The blood of the Mother, who was primarily the Virgin,

being the earliest recognized source of human life, thence came the doctrine of a Virgin-Mother and the

saving blood in the Eschatology. This Mother-blood originated with the Virgin at the time of puberty. It

passed into the racial Mother-blood in the phase of fulfilment with marriage. The Virgin, represented in

the Egyptian Mystery, was the maiden who conceived; in her second character she was the bringer-forth.

These Two Mothers were imaged by the double Uraeus-crown of Maternity. The mythical Virgin-Mother

had a very natural origin. She represents the pubescent female who was the fount and source in nature

for the one original blood.The blood of Isis was the Virgin-blood. She was the Mother of Life in the

mythical representation, and in the first of two characters she is the Virgin-Mother, when her sister

Nepthys is the Bringer-forth or Nurse of the child. The sacredness of the Virgin-blood, the earliest

Mother-blood, will help to account for the sanctity of the pre-pubescent virgins who were so carefully

secluded from the outer world at the time of its primary manifestation. Among the Ot-Danons of Borneo

the pre-pubescent girl is sometimes shut up during seven years awaiting her sign of the Virgin-

Motherhood. This is born in blood, and she is consequently looked upon as one newly born into life. She

is led forth to breathe the air, and is shown the sun, the water, and the trees. Then the event is celebrated

by the sacrifice of a slave, and her body is painted with his blood. This was the Blood-Mother as a Virgin,

in the first of the two characters assigned [Page 70] to the female. Thus, the Two Women in Totemic

Sociology were the Virgin and the Mother. It is the same in the Mythology, and lastly in the Eschatology.

The first of the Two was the pubescent Virgin who conceives: the second is she who brings forth. Hence

the doctrine of a Double Motherhood. Ra is said to be united to his "Double Mother". One of the

Ptolemies claims to be the Beloved of the "Double Divine Mother". The Double Mother was also the

Double Sister in another relationship with Horus. "I am thy Double Sister", says Isis to Osiris. (P. Pierret

Pantheon Eg. 28. ) In this duality Isis is the Blood-Mother and Nephthys the Milch-Mother; hence she is

called the Nurse. Isis is at once the Great Mother and also the Virgin-Mother who keeps the primary

 

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place in the Mythos because the Virgin preceded the bringer forth of the child as source itself. This

double Motherhood is also assigned to Jesus in the ", Gospels with the Two Mothers as two sisters: the

first being the Virgin - Mary, the second, Mary the wife of Cleopas.

 

In modern times the blood in certain families is considered to be royal, and royal blood is the blood to be

sacredly or very carefully preserved from any base admixture, although the origin of royal blood is

hitherto unknown. Under the Matriarchate there could be no blood-royal by derivation from the Male.

There was but one blood, that of the Mother. It was impossible at first for the males to transmit. There

was but one means of descent for the race. This was the Mother-blood. Hence the primitive customs for

preserving it in purity and sanctity. The Mother-blood was not only known as the "one blood" of the race,

it also denoted the "one flesh" or one stock. Descent from the Mother connoted the one blood or one

flesh. It would be a way of preserving the Mother-blood in Totemism for the brother and sister of the

same Totem to intermarry; the same Totem being a determinative of the Motherhood, as the means of

identifying the original Mother-blood. Messrs. Spencer and Gillen tell us that the Arunta traditions point to

a time "in the Alcheringa" when it was the normal condition for the male to cohabit with a woman of the

same Totem as his own. The evidence points back to a time when the brother and sister of the same

Totem always married each other. It was long sought to keep the Mother-blood intact by the intermarriage

of the uterine brothers and sisters."These used to cohabit, and such intercourse was at one time

considered to be not only natural and proper, but was esteemed as preferable. The Kalangs of Java are

what is now termed Endogamous, and when a girl is asked in marriage the man "must prove his descent

from their peculiar stock". That is originally the one stock of the Mother-blood. People of this stock were

known both in Africa and Australia as the one-legged people, those who were the undivided primitive

Endogamists. Prolonged efforts were made by the “Endogamists" to preserve the Mother-blood or the

"one flesh", as it was called by the aborigines of Victoria, who say of a man that takes a woman of his

own group to wife, he has "fallen into the same flesh". (Dawson, Australian Aborigines, page 28.) It was a

custom long continued by the Egyptians to preserve the Mother-blood by the marriage of the brother and

sister, a custom that was sacred to the Royal family, thus showing that the [Page 71] Mother- blood

transmitted by the elder sister was the Royal blood. The Goajiros of Colombia in South America have

divided and subdivided into a score of Totemic groups, but they all preserve the descent in the female

line, and therefore from the Mother-blood. For, if a member wounds himself with his own knife he is not

allowed to spill any of his own blood without paying for it. His family on the Mother's side demand blood-

money in compensation for their loss. There was no individual property in the Mother-blood. This

belonged to the family or tribe. It happens with the Gonds of Central India that they have lost much of

their pure blood by intermixture with the Hindu race. Hence, at the installation of a rajah his forehead

must be touched with a drop of blood drawn from the body of a pure aborigine of the tribe to which the

rajah belongs. (Forsyth, J ., Highlands of Central India, page 137.) Intermarriage has now come to be

called Endogamy in opposition to Exogamy, or marriage outside the group. But the family traced from the

Mother-blood was earlier than the Totemic tribe. When the children of one and the same mother

intermarried, a kind of Endogamy, however limited, would be founded. And when the children of one

mother were compelled to marry the children of another mother a sort of Exogamy was established.

 

The Mother was the foundress of the family, consisting of herself and children. The foundation of the

human structure was in blood, the blood of the Mother. The fact was commemorated in blood-sacrifice

when the victim was immured, or the blood was poured out at the base of the building; the custom, like

others, is a mode of memorial that was continued in Sign-language when the origin and meaning of the

act were inexplicable. The Mother-blood, we repeat, was primary, and various customs, rites, or

ceremonies show the purpose that was intended to keep the one first blood, that of the Mother, intact.

 

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Each family would be proud of and prefer their own fount of source, and endeavour to keep it pure.

Hence the marriage of the uterine brother and sister was a mode of preserving the Mother-blood. Hence

also the eating of the Mother living was a way of preserving her blood to the consanguineous group. The

Mother eaten sacramentally was the earliest victim of blood-sacrifice. In this great cruel rite the body was

eaten living to preserve the Mother-blood. Eating the Mother was the primitive Eucharist in which the

Mother was the Host whose flesh was torn in pieces like the later bread, and whose blood was drunk

religiously as is the later wine. Blood was the life, and this was given by the Mother in her life and death.

The human Mother was then in the position of the Totemic zoo type that was substituted for the parent

and eaten by the brothers in a later sacrificial rite. It is not uncommon for the communicants who partake

of the Sacrament to hold that they have eaten the body and drunk the blood of God himself, and this

belief survives in Christianity, as witnessed by the hymn which is sung after taking the Sacrament,

beginning with-

 

“Jesus, Mighty Saviour,

Thou art in us now".

 

To emphasize the fact still more, it is sometimes requested that those [Page 72] who have not eaten the

God should sing the word "with" instead of “in". (Instance quoted in British Weekly, Sept. 1895.) The

eucharistic rite of the Mexicans was called Teoqualo, or “God is eaten"; and to eat the God as

represented was to share the nature of the divinity. In like manner the Namaquas eat the flesh and drink

the blood of the lion and tiger to partake of their superhuman strength. The Tierra del Fuegians explained

that they ate the white man on purpose to share in his superior power. The Kamilaroi will eat the heart

and liver of a brave man in order that they may partake of his spirit. The Mother was eaten on the same

principle, but, as the Mother, she was eaten sacramentally in the primitive family meal. The custom of

"killing the God", the priest, the royal personage, the virgin or divine animal, and eating the victim at a

sacrificial meal was rooted in this very primitive practice of the children eating the body of the Mother and

drinking her blood in what may be termed the primordial Eucharist. The Mother was the earliest of the

sacrificial victims that for special reasons were only allowed to live a certain number of years, at the end

of which time the giver of life was eaten in honour by her children as the most primitive sacramental food.

The Mother was eaten at the family sacrament because, in the first place, she was the Mother. But there

were other motives at work. She was sacrificed comparatively young to preserve her from the effects of

age, from grey hairs and wrinkles, from disease, decrepitude, and bodily decay. The children were

preserving her from the worms of earth and from the prowling beasts of prey, and probably from the

change of life at the departure of the lizard. In eating the body of her who had been the food-giver, they

were returning her as food to the family, and in partaking of her blood, the precious Mother-blood, they

were giving back the soul (of blood) to the life of the family or brotherhood. Some races, like the Indian,

will not eat the blood of an animal, for fear the soul of the animal should enter the human body. But this

was a reason, in religious cannibalism, for the eating of the Mother-blood in order that her soul of life

which was her blood might re-enter the family or brotherhood, or be “contained" by them. The Mother

was not turned into a sacrifice, or the blood preserved on her own personal account, so much as on

account of the family or tribe to which the blood belonged. Dawson tells us that only those who had died

a violent death were eaten by the aborigines of the Port Fairy District, Western Australia. And then they

were eaten "as a mark of affectionate respect, in a solemn service of mourning for the dead". (James

Dawson, Australian Aborigines.) The dead were eaten as a sign and token of mourning for those who

were taken away before their time; and thus religious cannibalism is resolved into a solemn mourning for

the dead; and the significance would be the same when the funeral feast was furnished by the body and

blood of the Mother. The Fijians, among other races, used to put their mothers to death before they had

 

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attained old age. There is an account in Wilkes's exploring expedition of the putting to death of a mother

(page 211, abbreviated). She was walking about as gay and lively as anyone, when one of her boys

invited Mr. Hunt to the funeral. Her two sons considered she had lived long enough. They [Page 73] had

prepared her funeral feast, and were now going to kill and bury her. They were doing this from love of

their mother, and said that none but themselves, her own sons, could perform so sacred an office.

Among the wandering Birhors of India, who are cannibals, the parents in articulo mortis will beg their

children to kill and eat them; and this is done as an act of filial piety. (Réclus, Primitive Folk, - English.

Translation, page 249.) At the British Association meeting for 1895 it was testified by Capt. Hynde that

one of the finest races of the Congo negroes are still in the habit of eating the old and decrepit members

of their families. Now, as the Mother was the earliest parent known and honoured, it was she who would

be eaten by the children in the earliest form of a funeral meal. According to Herodotus (4,26), it was a

custom observed by the Issedones to eat the dead bodies of their parents. But, we repeat, the Mother

was the only parent known at first, therefore the only one that could be knowingly eaten as the parent.

The Mongols and other races considered it impious for any part of the sacrifice to remain uneaten or

unconsumed. Terrible penalties were inflicted for such sacrilege. Now, there is I nothing like the eating of

the Mother with honour that can so plausibly explain the origin of such a custom. The Mother as sacrifice

would be "very sacred indeed", and to eat the body wholly and entirely, including the bones and viscera,

would be giving the proof of the highest honour and the profoundest affection which at the time was

humanly possible. Nothing was considered unclean, because it was the Mother. At first the body of the

human Mother was religiously eaten as the most primitive Eucharistic Meal. Her flesh thus eaten was the

sacred food, and her blood was the drink when these were devoured warm with life. Her representative,

the Totemic zootype, was adopted later, and torn piecemeal, to be eaten in a similar manner. This tearing

of the "host" in pieces tooth and nail was continued in the Egyptian, Greek, and other mysteries; and so it

comes about that the body of Osiris or the Christ was torn in pieces as flesh in the form of bread, and

everyone of the communicants must drink of the wine as blood. Hence the commandment: "Drink ye all

of it". And here it may be remarked that the sacrificial victim in the Gospel is eaten alive, or, at least, the

Last Supper is solemnized before the victim was crucified. We next see the group of communicants

extending beyond the inner circle when, as related by Angas, the different part of the body were

apportioned according to the human relationship, the choicest portions being given to those who had

been nearest and dearest to the departed in this life. It was from affection the children ate their parent,

but the ceremony of devouring her alive was awesome and cruel. It had to be performed, from motives

that sufficed to establish the custom, but she was not eaten because the act was cruel. Still, the cruel

ending of her life made her become a sacrificial victim, and as she was eaten piously, the meal was

sacramental and the prototype of all the sacraments in which the Totemic zootypes or the Divine Son

succeeded as the victim sacrificed at the Eucharistic Meal. The Mother gave her life back to the family or

tribe whilst living. She was literally eaten alive. In accordance with the laws of Tabu, it was the custom for

everyone to share and share alike all round in killing and eating the sacrifice. [Page 74] This was so when

the victim was a fawn or a kid. But no victim was so naturally calculated to raise the initial difficulty of

striking the first blow in a form so acutely cruel as the Mother. This must have verily necessitated the

practice of all the participants falling on the victim together to avoid the sense of individual blood-

guiltiness. Everyone must partake of the body, everyone must tear the flesh and lap the blood; everyone

must share the responsibility of the awful act. The Mother was not only eaten physically. There was a

primitive kind of spiritual communion celebrated in the rite which I raised it to a religious status. The body

and blood were supposed to be converted into spirit. The theory is explicitly expressed in the Greek

statement that "the dead was raised again in the same sacrifice". "All tasted the sacrificial flesh, so that

the life of the victim was renewed in the lives of those who ate it". (Theophrastus in Porph., De Abst., 2,

 

29. Cited in Encyclopedia Brit., volume xxi, page 137 , Ninth Edition) And this, of course, applied to the

Mother as well as to any other victim whose flesh was eaten as a sacrifice. In eating the flesh and blood

of the Mother, the Brothers were absorbing her soul of life and she was being converted into a spirit. The

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idea survives in the Alcestis. As pointed out by Percy Gardner (Sepulchral Relief from Tarentum, page

21), the heroine of the drama "is scarcely dead before she is invoked by the chorus as a superhuman

Power able to give and to withhold favours, now that she has been transubstantiated".

 

Eating the human Mother as the Eucharist at the family meal led naturally to eating the Mother of Life

who gave herself in food that men might live; the Mother who was represented by the Ainu She-Bear, the

Acagchemen Panes-Bird, the crucified Great Mother of the Cypriotes, or by the blood of Isis in Egypt,

and who, under various mythical or Totemic types, was the renewer of life by offering up her own; the

earliest type of voluntary sacrifice which preceded that of Horus the Saviour-Son or of Osiris in a later

Eucharist. The human Mother was eaten actually, not as a Totemic type. The "Great Mother" was eaten

by proxy as Totemic: Rerit or Shaat was annually eaten as the Sow; Hathor was eaten as the Heifer; the

female being the Totem of the Mother, whether human or divine. The Goddess Tari Pennu is a form of the

Earth-Mother who was worshipped by the Kolarians of Bengal, and made fecund periodically by oblations

of blood at her festival of reproduction when the human doctrine was repeated and reapplied to external

nature and she was fertilized with blood. The offering was at times the flesh and blood of a virgin. A

young girl, called the Meriah, was stripped stark naked and bound with cords to a maypole crowned with

flowers, and ultimately put to death with horrible tortures, torn in pieces, and partly eaten. (Réclus,

Primitive Folk, pages. 311-315.) In the Khond sacrifice of the Meriah we have another form of the Great

Mother. She was fastened to the stake by her hair and forced to become a figure of the crucified, for her

arms were extended cross-wise by four priests, who pulled her legs apart to complete the figure. She

was the cross, the crucified and the Christ or Charis in one.

 

The theory now substantiated is that the earliest Totems were zootypes of the Mothers, that the Mother

was the earliest victim [Page 75] eaten at the family meal, and that the human sacrifice was commuted by

the substitution of the Totemic animal at a later stage of development. Thus, we hear that the sacrificial

offering made to the river Nile was first of all a human virgin, and afterwards a sacred animal. Also, when

the Panes-Bird of the Acagchemens is said to have been a woman previously, or elsewhere, we see the

bird has been substituted for the human victim in the Eucharistic rite as representative of the Great

Mother. The Emu was the bird of Earth in Australia, like the Goose in Egypt. As layer of the egg it

represented Earth, the Mother of Food. Now the Emu, in the Kurnai mythology, is also called " the

Woman", or Mother, who, like Neith, was imaged as the Giver of Food. And when the Arunta members of

the Emu Totem propitiate the power solicited by them for the increase of food, the blood which they shed

from their own veins is not simply poured forth on the ground. A small prepared plot of soil is saturated

with blood and allowed to dry, and on this the bird is outlined to represent the food of the Totem for which

they are asking. The Emu is a type of the Earth-Mother to whom the oblation of blood is offered, and who

is thus identified by the bird as their provider or providence, who had been "the Woman" previously. The

human Mothers had been eaten sacramentally to preserve the family blood in all its primal, that was

virginal, purity. At a later stage, when the Totemic animal was religiously eaten periodically as the

sacrificial victim, this had come to represent the Great Mother, the Earth-Mother, the Mother who was

propitiated and pleaded with for provender; the Mother of Food who was eaten vicariously with the Totem

as her type of food. Blood was the ancient life and Motherhood the fount of source. Blood was the

earliest human tie. Then the Blood-Brotherhood succeeded and gradually superseded the Blood-

Motherhood. A group of progenitors, or brothers of the blood, began to usurp the place of the

Ancestresses as parental powers on the way to finally establishing the Patriarchate.

 

Civilization first began with the conditions of the pre-Totemic people, who were pre-human. According to

 

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the traditions of the Arunta, they had no stone knife, no fire-stick, no rites or ceremonies of pubescence.

Indeed, there were no men or women then extant. The nascent race was not yet humanized; it had to be

created by becoming Totemic. This tradition of the human origin, which can be universally corroborated,

is, in its way, a primitive version of the so-called "Creation of Man" that comes to us belated in the Book

of Genesis. It tends to show that human beings, "Created Men" of the Egyptian "Tem", were a birth of

Totemism. The traditions of the Arunta affirm that Totemism originated with "Two Women" who, as here

suggested, were the Mother and the Eldest Daughter in the human family, the first two persons who were

recognized as ancestral types of the Virgin who conceived and the Mother who brought forth. There is

ample evidence to show that Totemism was founded by "Two Women", the "Two Women" who were the

mythical Ancestresses of the Race. These are represented by the two females who prepared young girls

for sexual intercourse at the period of pubescence, by performing the opening rite of introcision, and who

were consequently the typical founders of Totemism. [Page 76]

 

The Arunta say it had been found that many of the younger women died in consequence of unlimited

promiscuous intercourse with men who were unrestrained and women unprepared by the opening rite

when there was as yet no law of tabu. The opening rite was preparatory and considered necessary to

befit the young women for sexual intercourse, and also to protect them previously from savage treatment.

Therefore we argue that it was devised by the Mothers for the protection of the daughters. The women of

the Hawk Totem are said to have made certain men "ashamed of their excesses". (Spencer and Gillen,

N.T., page 416.) The men were monstrous in their size and savagery, and necessitated the Totemic rites.

It is related of the "Two Women", here called the Elder and the Younger Sisters, that they were

"considerably alarmed at the Ulpmerka Men". But when the pubescent rites had been performed, the

women were no longer afraid, and all the men had free access to them (page 315). In order that the fears

of the "Two Women" might be allayed the Ulpmerka made a large nurtunja, or Totem-pole, upon which

the sacred emblems called the Churinga were suspended. "After this had been shown to the women they

were no longer timid". One of the Two was then decorated with the down of birds and a small nurtunja, of

a blunt, conical shape, was set upon her head for ornament, and the men danced round her, shouting

"Wah! Wah!" Then she was taken and laid beside the large nurtunja, which was fixed upright in the

ground. The operation of opening the vulva, Atna ariltha-Kuma, was then performed by means of a large

stone knife. After this the intercourse was lawful and all the men had access to her. The same ceremony

was repeated in the initiation of the second or younger woman. Sexual intercourse till then had been

promiscuous, and there was no standing on ceremony or waiting till the females came of age for rape to

be enforced. The first two females were made into women by means of the opening rite in which they

were prepared for Totemic connubium. One of these, the elder one, operated on the younger, and then

the two women became the first Ancestresses of the Race who were constituted such by the opening rite

that was performed at puberty. These were the Two Women of the Lizard Totem. There were only "Two

Women" originally among the Plum-tree Ulpmerka Men, that is the uncircumcised. At first they were

unopened. Then they were operated on, and all the men had access to them, first with one, and then with

the other (page 315). These were the Two Women with whom semi-promiscuity was regulated by the

division into the two classes with which dichotomous-Totemism began. These Two Women are variously

described as coming to introduce the rite of pubescence by means of which the girls were made into

women and the uncircumcised males into men. This is performed by them at different halting places.

 

Under the Matriarchate, racial descent was reckoned by the Mother-blood, therefore the Mother was the

earliest Woman known. The eldest daughter was the primary channel of descent. Therefore the eldest

daughter was the second woman of the primal Two. A score of mothers or daughters would not change

the type of the two women first known as the Mother and Eldest Daughter or the Two [Page 77] Sisters.

 

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Thus amongst the primitive or archaic traditions of the human race there is a legend of descent from

"Two Women" called the "ancestresses". This is extant in Africa and in Australia in Totemism and

Mythology. The Arunta have several traditions or fragments of tradition concerning these two typical

women in the sociology of Totemism. There were "Two Women" in the Alcheringa or Mythical Past. Two

Women of the Opossum Totem. (page 403). Two Women of the Magpie Totem (page404). Two Women

of the Hakea Totem (page 436). Two Women of the Kangaroo Totem (page 464). Two Women who

accompanied the Men of the Plum-tree in the Alcheringa, as Two Sisters, Elder and Younger (pages 149

and 315). The starting point of the Hakea-flower Totem is from Two Female Ancestors (page 122). These

Two Women are called the elder and the younger. All the men had access to both of them as soon as

they had undergone the opening rite.

 

Thus the Arunta trace the origin of Totemism in its sociological aspect to the rites of puberty that were

adopted for utility when the pre-human creatures were first changed into women and men by means of

the rites. These were first performed upon Two Women of the Lizard Totem, one being described as the

Elder, the other as the Younger Sister. The lizard is the sign of feminine pubescence and especially the

Mother's Totem in Africa and Australia. Hence it was honoured as the author of primitive marriage. The

Two Women are the Ancestresses of the human race because they were the first two females to undergo

the preparatory rite that changed them into Totemic women fitted for social intercourse in communal

connubium. This feminine duality evolved in the sociology had been divinized as the Great Mother in

mythology both in Australia and in Africa. In the Osirian cult Isis and Nephthys are at once the Two

Mothers, Two Sisters, and Two Wives of Osiris. Isis is the Virgin-Mother, the Blood-Mother, the one of

Two who conceives but does not bring forth the Child. Nephthys represents the Goddess who does bring

forth and who is the Nurse by name. These are also called the Mother and Sister as well as the Two

Sisters and the Two Wives. In short, they are the Two human Ancestresses of the Race who were

divinized in Mythology. Thus the Two Women who were the Authors of Totemism are the Two

Ancestresses who may be described either as Two Mothers, Two Sisters elder and younger, Mother and

Daughter, or the Virgin and Gestator, in the various legends, because they are the typical Two that were

from the beginning when the Mother and Eldest Daughter were the means of descent during the

Matriarchate. With the Nairs of Malabar, whose manners are very primitive, the brothers obey their eldest

sister. Next to the mother she is the ruler of the family. And in former times, on great ceremonial

occasions, the reigning prince himself yielded precedence to his eldest daughter. She was one of the

only "Two Women". The Mother being the first person in the human family, the eldest sister was the

second as next available for sexual intercourse; and these became the mythical "Two Women" from

whom the Australian natives claim descent. These represent the female duality that brought on the

Mother-blood. In some of the legends the Mother passes into the Two Ancestresses as the Mother [Page

78] and Sister, instead of Mother and Daughter. At others they are the Two Sisters. Isis is designated the

Mother, and Nephthys the Sister. Demeter is the Mother, and Persephone or Kore is the Daughter. The

two were often called the Mother and Daughter. It may seem a long way from the Greek Mother and

Daughter to the Polynesian Mythology, but as a form of the feminine ancestors they are originally the

same in the human sphere. In the Australian ceremonies of initiation there is what Howitt terms the

feminine "duality" of Ngalalbal, in the "Wives of Daramulun". This female duality is the analogue of the

two sisters, Isis and Nephthys, who were the two consorts of Horus or Osiris in the Egyptian mythos.

These Two Sisters are the same Two Mothers of the typical child in Australia as in Africa, Daramulun, like

Horus, is the child of the Two Mothers, "The Ngalalbal-dance", says Howitt, "is rendered very effective

through being preceded by the duality of Ngalalbal, the wives of Daramulun" these are seen to glide from

the forest past the fire and to disappear in the gloom beyond to a slow and rather melancholy air sung by

the audience, which may be rendered. "Ngalalbal, you two coming from afar, where are you going to?"

(Howitt, Australian Ceremonies of Initiation.) Ngalalbal, the wife of Daramulun, was originally represented

 

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by the Emu, and is at the same time "the Woman" who divides into the Two Women. Thus the human

source of descent follows the pre-human here, as in the Egyptian Mythos. And in the duality of Ngalalbal

we have the two wives who are the two sisters of Horus in the Osirian myth. This feminine duality was

one of the secret mysteries in Australia as in Africa. Communal marriage, as practised in Totemism, had

been reduced in Egypt to the system of two wives; the one being known as the Hemet or Wife, the other

as the Nebt-Paru or Mistress of the House. This was also an Inner-African marriage institution. The first

corresponded to Isis the Wife; the second to Nephthys the Mistress of the House. The Wives of Osiris

were also his Sisters. Isis says to Osiris, "I am thy double Sister". This she was in the two characters of

Isis and Nephthys, because the Great Mother qua Mother duplicated in the two females as ancestresses.

Hence the "Double Divine Mother" who is mentioned in the texts. Not that Osiris was supposed to have

married two Blood-Sisters, but that sister was the earlier name for the Wife, because there was a Totemic

Sisterhood corresponding to the Totemic Brotherhood. This dual symbolism, extant amongst the

Australian aborigines, had been divinized and preserved in the Mythology of Egypt, because it was once

extant in the Sociology. In these Two Sisters who were Two Wives one sees the Totemic consorts

reduced to that number as the sisters of one brother, on the way to complete monogamy. At an earlier

social stage, which we find among the Namaqua Hottentots, two chiefs had four wives in common among

them. This was a departure from the equality of the more primitive communal connubium in which four

brothers were husbands to four sisters, as in Africa, or ten brothers to ten sisters, as in Britain.

 

There would have been two Ancestresses to the human race in the Hebrew Genesis if the legend had

been properly reported. In the extra-biblical tradition Adam had two wives, Lilith and Chavah, but [Page 79]

Lilith, the more mystical female of the two, has been damned by orthodoxy as the demoniacal destroyer

of children - she who did not bring forth. In a more mystical phase the female duality of nature was prepubescent

and pubescent. It is mentioned here because the dogma of a Virgin-Mother originated in this

natural reality, and because the two divine women Isis and Nephthys also represent the Virgin and the

Mother in this mystical character. Isis was the Virgin and Nephthys was Matrona; the Virgin who

conceived, and Matrona who brought forth the child. Female nature of itself divides into the two phases

of Girlhood and Womanhood; the Virgin and the Mother, the one being the Mother of blood, the other the

Milch-Mother of the child. Such was the origin of a double Motherhood which is personified in the

Egyptian mythos. In one cult the Goddess Neith is the Mother who conceives the child, and Sekhet is the

Bringer-forth. Now , Neith was the mystical Virgin, whilst Sekhet was the Goddess of sexual passion. But

in the Osirian cult this female duality was represented by Isis the Virgin and Nephthys the Nurse. These

are the Two human Ancestresses (Tiriti) divinized, but not merely as two sisters in sociology.

 

The marital or sexual relations were at first promiscuous. Then there was a division of the gregarians into

two communities or classes in which the primal promiscuity was regulated for group-marriage with the

totality divided in two halves, and subdivided afterward by the Totems, which were extended more and

more until they reached the radius of the "Upper Ten" or the Chinese "hundred families". As will bear

repeating, to the confusion of various writers, the Arunta have traditions of a time when a man always

married a sister of his own Totem. This, as tribal, followed the marriage of the brother and sister of the

blood in natural endogamy: the same intermarriage that is found in African Totemism. There was a time,

the Arunta also say, when "under the old system" all the Purula women were eligible as wives to a

Panungo man, whereas under the new system only one half of the women were marriageable to him

(Native Tribes, page 421) those of the other half being strictly forbidden to him. This shows that utterly

promiscuous intercourse was followed and superseded by the division of the whole into two halves;

which we take to have been the intercourse that was sacred to the brother and sister of the blood within

the matriarchal family, and which was afterwards divided into the first two exogamic inter-marriageable

 

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groups. As testified to by the latest witnesses, the "fundamental feature" in the organism of the Australian

tribes is "the division of the tribe into two exogamous intermarrying groups" (page55). In the Urabunna

Tribe, which may be taken as typical, "the whole tribe is divided up into two exogamous intermarrying

classes, respectively called Matthurie and Kirarawa. These two classes are subdivided into two sixes as

Totemic “groups". All descent is counted from the Mother both as regards class and Totem (page 60).

And " the men of one half of the tribe must marry the women of the other half in marriage by the group,

no such thing as individual marriage being known. One of the Australian aborigines who had travelled far

and wide has stated that "he was furnished with temporary wives by the various tribes amongst whom he

sojourned in his travels; that his right to these women was recognized [Page 80] as a matter of course;

and that he could always ascertain whether they belonged to the division into which he could legally

marry, though the places were I ,000 miles apart and the languages were quite different. " (Fison and

Howitt, page 53.) Starting from the beginning with the Two Classes, one man at that stage was entitled to

half the women. As we find, the two divisions spread out over great parts of the land . Totems were

added and further divisions made when the two were divided into four and the four into eight, but if the

man belonged to one of the primary two classes, his right to half of the women corresponding to his

Totem would still hold good if they were scattered over all the country. His range in the communal

marriage would be more circumscribed if his were one of the well-known four Totems, and become still

more limited if it were only one of the eight into which the two were so frequently subdivided in Australia

and America. On certain festival occasions the women of all the Totems are held as common property or

there is partial promiscuity of the sexes by a return from the sub-divisional arrangement to that of the first

Two Classes; as when a man will lend his wife to a stranger, always provided that he belongs to the

same class as himself (N.T., page 93), the class that was anterior to the Totem. This common right of all

the tribal brothers of one class to all the women of the other even from the beginning, when there were

but two, will explain certain perplexing marriage customs of later times, when the marriage of individuals

was slowly taking the place of marriage between groups or classes; which may be termed customs of

exemption from the primitive communal connubium, such as the right of the tribal elders to act the part of

Baal-Peor, and the droit du seigneur still extant, although commutable, in the island of Jersey.

 

As a natural fact, the human race originated from the Mother-earth in Two Classes. They were the forest-

folk and the Troglodites born of the Tree and the Rock; and such a fact was sure to have been preserved

in the Kamite Record. In the very first stage they were the children of Earth, or the Earth-Mother. The

Mother is then divided or followed by the Two Women who are distinguished from each other by their

emblems of the Birth-place: the Tree and the Rock, or stone with a hole in it, which is an image of the

Mother-earth. We can now compare the wood and stone Churinga of the Arunta with other emblems of

the Tree and Rock of earth.

 

The Australian Totemic system begins with being Dichotomous. There is a Division of the Whole in two

halves. The Arunta erect two Totem-posts or sacred poles, one for the south and one for the north, by

which the division is most carefully distinguished. There are Two Ancestresses or self-existent female

founders; Two kinds of Churinga made of wood and stone; Two Women of the Lizard Totem. There are

several instances in which the first departure from promiscuity remains final because it has never been

outgrown. This is so in the case of the two classes still extant and still recognizable, which held good for

marital rights all over the continent. The whole universe was divided into two primary classes of things,

corresponding to the two primary Totemic classes of the Australian aborigines.[Page 81] The Port Makay

Tribe in Queensland divided all Nature between their two primary Motherhoods; the dichotomous system

founded on the twofold character of the Mother as Virgin and Gestator whom the Egyptians had divinized

as She who conceived and She who brought to birth. The Totems commonly follow the two divisions as

 

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the signs of subdivisions. Indeed, it appears that we get a glimpse here and there of the two divisions

without any Totems following them, as if the most rudimentary organization had extended no further. The

Banks Islanders, for example, appear to have been divided into two primary classes, and to have had no

sub-divisional Totems. Reading Totemism by aid of the Egyptian wisdom, it is evident that the two

classes, the two kinds of Churinga (wood and stone), the two Poles (North and South), the two women,

represent the Motherhood that was duplicated in the two female ancestors; and that the Totems of the

sub-divisions represent the blood-brotherhoods, thus affiliated to the Mother-blood which were followed

finally by the blood-fatherhood. The Arunta beginning is immeasurably later than the Egyptian tradition

preserved in the astronomical mythology. Their beginning is in fact with Totemism. This was preceded by

a period or condition of existence called “ the Alcheringa “ or the far-off past of the mythical ancestors of

whose origin and nature they have no knowledge but have preserved the tradition.

 

The twofold division was fundamental and universal in Egypt. Beginning with the two Egypts and the two

Tiruti they had the two halves, North and South, divided by the Equinoctial line: the two earths upper and

lower, the two houses of earth and heaven, the two houses of government, the two houses of the

treasury, the two granaries, the two fields of sacrifice. The War Department was twofold. The property of

the State and of the Temple was divided into two parts. An endeavour to recover the Kamite mythology

from the traditions of the Arunta may look like fishing the infinite, but deep-sea dredgers sometimes find

strange things. The Ritual preserves a record of the fact that in the primary division of the total or the

whole earth in two halves, the boundaries of South and North were determined by two trees. Hence,

when the Sun, or Solar God, rises in the East, he is said to issue forth from betwixt the two sycamores of

the North and South. This division of the oneness in space into North and South in locality has been

curiously preserved by the Arunta Tribes, who make use of the two Poles in their religious or Totemic

ceremonies, one the Nurtunja, is erected in the North; the other, called the Waninga, is made use of in

the South. (page627.) These are equivalent to the Kamite two sycamore-trees of the North and South, as

types of the original division of the earth, and of the later earth and heaven; also called the two trees in

the garden of the beginning. This primordial division of the whole into two classes still persists in the

Christian scheme of the future life, where the dichotomous arrangement of the promiscuous multitude is

continued as from the first. There are to be only two classes of people in the world to come, and only two

Totems, the sheep and the goat, to distinguish those who are still described in gesture- language as

being the one on the right hand, the other on the left; [Page 82] which is a re-beginning hereafter in exact

accordance with the first Totemic bifurcation of the human race on earth.

 

In the course of time, as human consciousness increased, the Mother would be made exempt from the

primitive promiscuous intercourse. Here it may be observed that much of the early wisdom was secreted

in the Totemic Tabus that were recited to the initiates in the mysteries of young-man and young-womanmaking.

The Buffalo-clan of the Omaha Indians are prohibited from eating a calf whilst it is red, but when

it turns black the animal may be eaten. This, as we understand it, was a mode of memorial by means of

Tabu. There was a similar prohibition in the Red Maize clan. The youngsters the sub-clan are told that if

they were to eat of the red maize they would break out in running sores all round the mouth. Nothing is

more common in the initiation of Australian youths than for these to be solemnly warned against eating

forbidden food. They are not to eat the emu, that is a Totem which represents the Mother - as did other

forms of prohibited food, including the tree. Thus eating the fruit of the forbidden tree is violating the

Mother or female in one of the phases known to be prohibited. If, as herein advanced, the Totem first

represented the Mother, we may find a root-reason why it came to be prohibited from being eaten,

excepting as a sacrament at the religious festival of promiscuity once a year. We know that in the Totemic

Mysteries it was the Mothers or female-elders who inducted the boys into a knowledge of connubium.

 

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This probably registers the fact that, when the boys became pubescent, the Mothers showed their own

the way, in the early state of promiscuity. And the likelihood is that the Mother was made Tabu to her own

children as the earliest law of prohibition from what came to be considered unnatural sexual intercourse

which had been at one time natural. They were prohibited from "eating of her" in this sense, and the

mode of memorizing the law would be by not eating of it the zootype which represented the Mother. The

Hindu does not eat the cow, the Jew does not eat the swine, and this is because these represented the

Mother as a Totemic sign, and the typical Great Mother in the Mythology. Descent from the Mother was

represented by descent from the Totem. Thus, if the Totem were a cow, and it was said in a mystery, thou

shalt not eat of the cow, when it was intended to repudiate the primitive practice, the command would

signify in Sign-Ianguage, "Thou shalt not eat the Mother". She was now forbidden food, whether as the

cow, the sow, the emu, or the tree, the same as with the red calf, which represented the child. According

to Bailey, the custom of the Veddahs "sanctions the marriage of a man with his younger sister". But to

"marry an elder sister or aunt would, in their estimation, be incestuous", whereas "marriage with the

younger sister is considered to be natural". It was in fact the proper marriage. To understand this, we may

assume that the elder sister of two stands for the Mother, and that the Tabu was originally directed

against connubium betwixt the son and the Mother, whereas the marriage or a brother and sister, blood

or tribal, was allowed as the only proper connection now for preserving the Mother-blood without

committing, incest. [Page 83]

 

If the Totem is a means of Tabu, as we know it to have been, and the Mother or the Sister is represented

by the Totem, then the human female is aimed at under various Totemic types. Thou shalt not eat the calf

whilst it is red would convey protection for the pre-pubescent girl: There are twenty different kinds of

game forbidden to the Narrinyeri youths in their initiation; also any food belonging to women is prohibited.

This would include the animal which constituted the Totem that was first of all the sign of the Mother

herself, as the cow, the sow, the mouse, or other female zootype. Thus, when, as Plutarch tells us, the

Egyptians thought that if a man should drink the milk of a sow his body would break out in sores, it

should be remembered that the sow was a Totem of the Mother, and the human Mother was masked by

the sow. Various Tabus are expressed in Sign-Ianguage, which has to be interpreted. A prohibition

against eating the Mother would be expressed by not eating the food or animal that was her Totem. Say

the Totem was a type of the Mother, who was at one time eaten, and was represented by the cow, and

afterwards the custom was prohibited, the law of Tabu in that case would be conveyed to the initiate in

the primitive mysteries by the injunction "Thou shalt not eat the cow", or cohabit with the Mother. Various

Tabus were certainly conveyed in that way. Thou shalt not eat the cow, Hindu and Toda Tabu; Thou shalt

not eat the sow, Jewish Tabu; Thou shalt not drink the milk of the sow, Egyptian Tabu; Thou shalt not eat

the hare, Damara Tabu; Thou shalt not go near or look on the crocodile, Bechuana Tabu; Thou shalt not

eat the calf while it is red, Omaha Tabu; Thou shalt not touch the Mother-blood, common Tabu; Thou

shalt not eat the female of any animal, Kurnai Tabu; Thou shalt not eat the fruit of the tree of knowledge,

Biblical Tabu; Thou shalt not eat the Totem, common Tabu. We might add “Thou shalt not marry a

deceased wife's sister", as a Christian Tabu. Thus not eating the cow or other female-totem - like the sow

or the panes-bird - would originally mean not conjoining with the Mother, whereas not eating the calf

whilst it was red would be a mode of protecting or of safeguarding the impubescent girl.

 

The Totemic festival of fructification naturally had a phallic character, as it was sexual from the first. It was

not only performed at seed-sowing and harvest, on behalf of food. Long before corn was cultivated in the

name of Isis or Demeter, there was a general rejoicing at the time when the youth was made into a man

and the girl into a woman. The general rejoicing at the girl's coming of age was in celebration of her

entering into connubium, which was communal, as she was then open and accessible to all the males, at

 

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least on this occasion when she entered the ranks of womanhood as common property, which was

afterwards made several by development of the marriage Iaw. Marriage began as a recognized, if

regulated, right of all the brothers to ravish every maiden as she came of age, and thus to make a

woman of her for tribal connubium. And the primitive rite, though commuted, was continued in the later

ceremonies. Various customs tend to show that capture in marriage originated as a mode of rescuing or

ransoming the woman from the clutch of the general community in which the female was common [Page

84] to all the males of the group. In the special marriage of individual pairs the woman had to be captured

and carried off from the group only instead of being captured we might say "rescued" by the individual

(and his friends) from being the promiscuous property of the community. Hence the custom of

compensation to the group (or, later, parents) for permitting the female to become private property in

personal marriage. The primitive rite of connubium was first consummated by all the males of the Totemic

group, not by an individual husband. The customs show that communal connubium involved connection

with the whole brotherhood as a rite of marriage after the general promiscuity had been modified. For

instance, with the Australian Kunandaburi tribe when a girl became marriageable, on natural grounds, her

affianced husband, accompanied by his male contemporaries, fetched her from her parents, and the

marriage was consummated there and then, not by the husband, but by the whole of his confrères; the

jus primae noctis, including all his Totemic brethren. Mr. O'Donnell, who furnished the information, says it

included all the males present in camp without exception of class, Totem or kin, and was fulfilled for

several days. (Howitt, Mother-right to Father-right, J. A. S., February 7,21, 1882.) This was communal

connubium once for all, but only once, in place of the older custom of continual promiscuity. In the

Sonthal marriage, which also takes place by the group once a year, all the candidates for matrimony live

together for six days in promiscuous intercourse. After which, only separate couples are held to have

established their right to marry. (The People of India, by J. F. Watson and J. W. Kaye, Vol. i., page 2.)

Thus there was a rite of promiscuity observed as a propitiatory preparation for individual marriage. This

was to be seen at the temple of Belit in Babylon, where the women offered themselves to all men

promiscuously before they were free to marry. It was a mode of releasing the woman from a bondage

imposed upon her in the past. It is said of this custom in the Epistle of Jeremy - "The women also with

cords about them, sat in the ways burning bran for incense: but if any of them, drawn by some that

passeth by, lie with him, she reproacheth her fellow that she was not thought as worthy as herself nor her

cord broken (Book of Baruch, 6, 43).When the Attic maidens danced as bears at the Brauronia in the

a..te.a of Artemis, it was a mode of making them individually marriageable, and the mode was evidently

in accordance with the Totemic ritual as in the mysteries of Belit. This will also explain the crave for

human blood, which was attributed to the goddess, on the ground that the blood was that of the Virgins

thus consecrated by the most ancient practice of promiscuity, or all-for-all.

 

In various ways the Totemic or tribal organization fought hard and long against the woman becoming

private property. The males considered, with Prudhomme, that property was robbery, and individual

ownership in marriage had many modifications in the course of being eventually established.

 

In the south of Malayalam a married woman is permitted to have twelve other husbands as lovers

besides the man to whom she is legally bound, but she must play the game fairly and not exceed the

number allowed. With the Esquimaux or Inoits the primitive [Page 85] communal marriage still obtains in

spite of their being monogamists in appearance. As M. Réclus remarks, adultery is a daily escapade with

the women as well as the men. The "members of the Marital Association keep running accounts and

open large credits" with each other. When the wind blows from the south every woman is out on the

rampage after other men, but each wife must lawfully couple with the man to whom the husband would

willingly have lent her, and who will lend his own wife in return. They hold that all were made for all. The

 

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sin against nature is for the lawful wife to seek connubium with a bachelor, who can make no return in

kind to the husband. (Réclus, Primitive Folk, English Translation, page 32. Ross, Second Voyage.) The

custom is African. Sir Harry Johnston mentions a curious mode of weighing out even-handed justice in

cases of adultery. Amongst the A-nyanja if a man is caught in the act he is compelled to get another man

as substitute to cohabit with his wife before he can return to her; he must also pay his substitute for this

service four yards of cloth, or make an equivalent present, otherwise the substitute can claim and carry

off the wife as his own property. (Brit. Cent. Africa, page 415.)

 

It was not the men alone who resisted the change. According to Petherick, the mother of the bride,

among the Hassanyeh Arabs, protests against "binding her daughter" to a due observance of that

chastity which matrimony is expected to command for more than two days in the week at a time.

(Petherick, J., Egypt, the Soudan, and Central Africa.) Various ways of limiting the primitive promiscuity,

and at the same time of securing elasticity in the marriage tie, might be cited. For example, the Spaniards

found a curious custom current in Lancerota. A woman there had several husbands, but "a husband was

considered as such only during a lunar revolution". (Spencer, Data, 298.) Thus one woman was limited to

one man for a month, and the marital relations were changeable with the moon. That which was once the

woman's right is still sought for as a privilege when the Esthonian women claim to repeat the rites of the

ancient saturnalia, such as dancing in a state of nudity at the festival of spring. With us the Matriarchate

still survives on Friday, the woman's day, and in February, the month in which the women claim the right

to choose their husbands every leap-year. On certain festive occasions there is a total or partial return to

the pre-eval status of the sexes. This return occurs at the phallic festival or primitive Agapae. In a

corroboree of the Arunta, which lasts for ten days or a fortnight at a time, there is a partial return to

promiscuity, or the sexual licence which the natives say was a practice of the Alcheringa, or old, old

times. (N.T., page. 96 to 101.) This does not stand alone. According to the report of Mr. Kühn in Kamilaroi

and Kurnai (by L. Fison and A. W. Howitt, pages. 285 to 287), the men of the Turra tribe were not

debarred from sexual intercourse with women of their own Totem in the orgies of the grand corroboree.

This shows the same return to utter promiscuity for the time being as in all other celebrations of the

phallic festival when the only law was that of all for all. It was a return pro tem to the most ancient usage,

which is represented in mythology by the old first Mother in connubium with her own sons. The primitive

customs were established as a means [Page 86] of memorizing that which could not otherwise be

registered. Thus the Arunta danced the history of their descent from the time when the race was not

divided by the Lizard. And thus the state of promiscuous intercourse was repeated in the religious

mysteries, including those of the Christian Church. According to a Latin myth, the saturnalia of ancient

Rome was held in commemoration of the sexual promiscuity that once obtained. Such customs

constituted the record of prehistoric if not primitive man. That is why their performance is so permanent

and so universal.

 

A change in the human descent from the Motherhood to the fatherhood is apparent in the Egyptian

Mythology as early as the time of Ptah, the father of Atum-Ra. The Mother, human or divine, was

primordial. Next came the sisters. Then the brothers, the same in mythology as in Totemism. Previous to

the dynasty of Ptah there were seven brothers born of the sevenfold Motherhood, when there was as yet

no father individualized. Six of these were pre-human, for instance, Sut the Male-Hippopotamus, Sebek

the Crocodile, Shu the Lion, Hapi the Ape, Apuat the Jackal, Kabhsenuf the Hawk; and one the Elder

Horus, was human, as the child of Isis, the blood-Mother. The seven souls are commonly reckoned as 6

 

+ I. The six are pre-anthropomorphic. They were powers of the elements represented by the zootypes,

such as the soul of earth that was Imaged by the beast of earth; the soul of water by the crocodile; the

soul of breathing-force by the lion; the soul of fire by the ape; the soul of vegetation by the serpent. The

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seventh soul was human. This was imaged in Child-Horus, who became the chief of the Seven and

leader of the Company.

 

The Dog-rib Indians preserve a tradition, which is also repeated along the Pacific coast from Alaska to

Oregon, that the ancient Mother of the human race was a woman who was mated with a dog. The

woman gave birth to six pups, which used to throw off their skins at will when they were alone, and play

in human shape. This, in its quaint way, is another form of the mystery of the six as pre-human souls

which culminated in the seventh soul that attained the human status together with the anthropomorphic

type. In the Mangaian “Mute-Iand," at the root of all beginning, there are "Two Women", called the Mother

and her Daughter. This beginning was at the bottom of the hollow cocoa-nut shell called Avaiki. Vari is the

name of the mythical Great Mother. Tu-Metua is the daughter. Her name, which signifies "Stick-by-theparent",

is knowingly natural. Another point. She is the last product of the Great Mother, the only female

child, and is called her support, her beloved child. These two are the ground and basis of a world in six

divisions.

 

Now, there came a time in Egypt when the brothers, who had previously been the children of the Mother,

were called the sons of Ptah, and all their powers were comprehended in the unity of the God , who was

portrayed as both Father and Mother in one person. In the Texts, Ptah is called " the husband of his

Mother", which shows the polygamous Patriarch who afterwards entered the monogamic state with

Sekhet Mer-Ptah for his single consort. (Maspero, The Dawn of Civilisation, page106. Note, English

translator) It has been previously [Page 87] shown that the custom of couvade was a dramatic mode of

affiliating the offspring to the father which had previously derived its descent from the Mother. (Natural

Genesis.) It is certain that in this the male impersonates the Mother because he acts as if in gestation

with the child and sometimes undergoes a fictitious parturition. But the supreme peculiarity of this

primitive mystery is that the male parent not only acts the part of the Mother, but also of the father; both

parents in one person. It is in this sense only that Sut, who was the first-born of the Seven, is called in

later language a Father of the Gods. (Rit., ch. 8.) In Akkad or Babylonia, the group of seven males is

divided into Ea as a father with his six sons. It is the same among the Zuni Indians, whose fetish deities

are seven in number, that is six, with a form of God the Father as the supreme one. These were the

rulers of the six regions or mountains, with Po-shai-an-kia in the centre as the head over all. (Cushing.

Second Annual Report, Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, 1883.)

 

A soul of life in man, animal, and vegetable was at one time held to be derived by the transformation and

embodiment of some external force in animal guise. Hence came the anima or soul of wind that was

humanized in breathing, whether as the soul of man or animal. At length it was observed that a human

soul of flesh was formed or embodied in the Mother-blood, as it was written in the secret Book of Nature.

This was the earliest soul of man that was discreted from the external elements of life, which formed the

rudimentary and pre-human beings who are to be met with in the legends of the aborigines the whole

world over. These were also known to the Semites as pre-Adamic people; the Admu, the Kings of Edom,

which brings us back to the Egyptian root of the matter in the word Tum or Tem.Tem, we repeat, signifies

Mankind, mortals, created persons, which were created mystically from the soul of Adam in Hebrew, or

Atum in Egyptian, the earlier form of which name in the Ritual is "Tum". The race of Tum, Atum, or Ad mu

identify their origin in nature, with the soul of blood by the Adamic name. And, sociologically, the

"Creation of Man" qua man was a birth of Totemism. The creation of man in the Egyptian genesis is late

when measured by the mythology. Atum represents the primal being who was the earliest evolved as

perfect man. As Sun-God he is designated Ra in his first sovereignty, the solar mythos being last of all.

 

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This, with Atum as Supreme God in the human likeness, was preceded by the lunar and the stellar

mythos; by the Mother-earth and all her Elemental Powers. We shall frequently find the time-gauge of the

past in Egypt when it is nowhere else recoverable on earth.

 

The subject of the Hebrew beginnings is fundamentally the same, as will be seen when we can reach the

root. It is the evolution of the human race from the pre-human conditions that were actual in nature and

not, as alleged, the abortions of a false belief. This was the subject dramatized, danced and taught in all

the mysteries of gesture-language and Totemic ceremonies by means of which the unwritten past was

commemorated and indurated by ceaseless repetition of the acted drama.

 

The so-called Legends of Creation would be more correctly termed [Page 88] the legend of human

Evolution, although in a different sense from that of Darwinian development. As Semite, they came to us

in the latest and least genuine form, with no clue to any true interpretation. In a Maori myth, Man was

created by the God Tiki from red clay. This he kneaded with his own blood, or with red water from the

swamps. Man is Atum in Egyptian, Admu in Assyrian, Adam in Hebrew; and this was the creation of the

human Being discriminated from the preliminary and pre-human Beings of the Mythos and the Märchen

in legendary lore. It was the soul of blood distinguished from the earlier souls or forces of the external

elements, which were the six preceding the human soul as supreme one. The origins in mythology are

very natural underneath the mask. Indeed, they are a hundred-fold more natural than the pretended

explanations of their modern mis-interpreters. Primitive naturalists had only the light of nature for

guidance, and by this they went.

 

The creation of man, or, as the earlier versions have it, of men and women, was mystical in one sense, in

another it is Totemic. As before said, the history of the race might be roughly divided into pre-Totemic and

Totemic, pre-human and human. This, when reflected in the mirror of Egyptian Mythology, is pre-Atumic,

or, in the Semitic version, pre-Adamic and Adamic. The same legend of a later origin for mankind is also

Mexican. When there were no human beings on the earth certain of the lower powers solicited help from

the supreme gods in the work of creation, or of a re beginning. They are instructed to collect, the remains

of the former race, and these will be vivified by the blood of the Gods. In this version the god who plays

the part of Atum, Adam. or Belus procures a bone from the burial-place, and on this the gods drop the

blood drawn from their own bodies. Whereupon there is a new creation, namely, that of mankind.

(Mendieta, Hist. Ecl. Ind., page77.) Here, as elsewhere, the human soul of blood is derived from source

as male instead of from the earlier motherhood. So in the Book of Genesis the second creation of Adam

is based upon the bone called a rib which is extracted from the male.

 

It is in Atum, the Son of Ptah, that man was perfected. In him the Matriarchate is completely superseded

by the Father-Right or derivation from the Fatherhood. Now the change in the human descent from the

Mother-blood to the Father-blood is obviously commemorated in the mysteries or ceremonial rites of the

Arunta. In the operation of young-man-making two modes of cutting are performed upon the boy by

which he becomes a man and a tribal father. The first of these is commonly known as circumcision, or

lartna, by the Arunta; the other ceremony of initiation, which comes later, is the rite of sub-incision called

ariltha. The second cutting is necessary for the completion of the perfect man. Indeed, some of the more

stalwart young men undergo the cruel rite a second or even a third time (N.T., page 257) to prove their

manhood. With this trial-test the youth becomes a man; a fathership is founded, and, as certain customs

show, the Motherhood is in a measure cast off at the time or typically superseded by the fatherhood.

Nature led the way for the opening-rite performed upon the female, therefore we conclude that this

 

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preceded the operation performed upon the men, and we [Page 89] suggest that this was a custom

established, like that of couvade, in the course of commemorating the change from the Matriarchate to

the Father-right.

 

The rite is Inner African. It is universally practised by the Fan (or Fang) Tribes. An uncircumcised native is

not considered as a man either for fighting, working, or inheriting, but is regarded as a nonentity and not

allowed to marry. The rite proves the reality of manhood. (Nassau, Fetishism in West Africa, page 12.)

 

We have previously traced the custom of couvade to Ptah, and now propose to trace the rite of ariltha or

sub-incision to the full-formed father Atum, who was his son. When the Arunta perform the rite of sub-

incision, which follows that of the primary operation, a slit is cut in the penis right down to the root. The

natives have no idea as to the origin of the practice. (N.T., page 263.) But as the practice proves, it is

performed as an assertion of manhood, and is a mode of making the boy into a man, or creating man.

Now, at this time it was customary to cast the Motherhood aside by some significant action, that is at the

time when the fathership is established in the initiation ceremony. And in the Arunta rite of sub-incision

the operating Mura first of all cuts out an oval-shaped piece of skin (from the male member) which he

flings away. (Page 257.) The oval shape is an emblem of the female all the world over, and this we take

to be another mode of rejecting the mother and of attributing begettal to the father, as it was attributed in

the creation by Atum-Ra, who was both male and female (as the one All-Parent). The human soul was

preceded by the elemental forces of external nature which were typified in a tradition that is universal.

The soul that followed these as human was then born of blood, at first of Mother-blood, the blood of Isis,

which was followed by a creation from the Father-blood. In the Babylonian legend concerning the

generation of mankind attributed to Oannes by Berosos, the beginning is with hideous beings in the

abyss, which are described as human figures mixed with the shapes of beasts. "The person who was

supposed to have presided over them was a woman named Omoroca". This is the Great Mother who at

first was Mother-earth. "Belus came and cut the woman asunder", which in Totemism is the dividing of

the one woman, or the type in two. At the same time he destroyed the animals in the abyss. Thus the

pre-human period was succeeded by the Matriarchate and the two female Ungambikula, who in the

Arunta tradition cut and carved the rudimentary creatures into Totemic men and women. Then Belus the

deity "cut off his own head: upon which the other gods mixed the blood with the earth; and from thence

men were formed". Thus the source of life, or a soul of blood was changed from the female to the male

deity who in the Egyptian theology is Atum-Ra, or Tum, the image of created man, or of man who was

created from the soul of blood that is at first female and afterwards was fathered on the male. This

creation of man or Tum is represented in the "Book of the Dead " (ch. xvii.). The God, as Father, takes

the Mother's place; the Matriarchate terminates in the mythology of Egypt. Tum is described as giving

birth to Hu and Sa, as the children of Him who now unites the Father with the Mother as divinity in one

person.[Page 90] Hu denotes matter, Sa (or Ka) signifies spirit. This creation, then, is from blood and spirit;

"the double primitive essence" first assigned to Ptah. The change from the Mother-blood to the Father-

source is the same in the Kamite legend as in the Semitic version, but the modus operandi was different.

Belus produces the blood by cutting off his own head, whereas in the Ritual Father Atum draws the blood

from the genetalia of a divine being who is both male and female blended in the formation of the Father-

Mother, from whom the soul of blood was now derivable. The drops of blood are described as issuing

from the person of Atum when he performed the rite of "sub-incision" or of mutilation on himself in the

generation now attributed to the solar deity, considered to be male as well as female, or, finally, male

instead of female. Thus the Arunta are still performing a blood-covenant in the rite of ariltha on the male

which is attributed to Atum-Ra in the Egyptian mythos and by which he demonstrates the parentage of

the children Hu and Sa, in the course of changing the descent from the Matriarchate to the Patriarchate.

 

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The primitive essence of human life was blood derived from the female source, with Nature herself for

the witness. In the later biology it was derived from the "double primitive essence" of Ptah that was

continued in Atum and his two children Hu and Sa. Thus the basis of being was shifted from the Mother-

blood to that of blood and spirit assigned to the Fatherhood.

 

From the "cutting" of the male member now attributed to Atum-Ra we infer that the rite of circumcision

and of sub-incision was a mode of showing the derivation from the human father in supersession of the

Motherhood, and that in the Arunta double-cutting the figure of the female was added to the member of

the male. Nor is this suggestion without corroboration. In his ethnological studies, (page 180) Dr. Roth

explains that "in the Pitta-Pitta and cognate Boulia dialects the term Me-Ko ma-ro denotes "the man with

a Vulva" which shows that the oval slit was cut upon the penis as a figure of the female and a mode of

assuming the Motherhood. In the Hebrew Book of Genesis this carving of the female figure on the person

of the male — in the second creation – has been given the legendary form of cutting out the woman from

the body of the male. Adam is thus imaged in the likeness of the biune Parent. The foundation of Jewish

Monotheism was laid in the blood of the new covenant which followed the cult of the female. It is

noticeable that when the Jewish child is circumcised it is said of him that he is made to "enter into the

covenant of Abraham", that is of the Great Father in Israel. Moreover, the man who stands sponsor as

the godfather is called the Master of the Covenant. (Godwyn, Moses and Aaron, page 216.) This may

possibly explain the re-circumcising of the children of Israel. If, as the history asserts, they dedicated to

the female in the earlier time and were afterwards circumcised in a covenant made with the deity as God

the father, re-circumcising would be a means of denoting a change in the rite, when the people were

circumcised on the Hill of Foreskins."And this is the cause why Joshua did circumcise" Joshua, ch. v.,

2,4). The two covenants would thus tally with the two forms of the ceremony performed in first

circumcision by the Arunta and in sub-incision, which is re-circumcising in [Page 91] the rites of the same

people. Thus, there were two covenants, one sealed in the blood of the female, one in the blood of the

male, and both were applied to the deity according to the sex.

 

This mode of affiliation to the male deity is likewise obvious in the legend of the Guatemalans, who

besought the Quiché God Tohil to favour them with the element of fire. This he gave them on condition

that they united themselves to him by drawing blood "beneath the girdle". (Bancroft, v., 547.) That is by

drawing it from the membrum virile in a covenant of blood. When they did this they received the fire from

Heaven which was derived direct from God the father as begetter who was Atum-Ra in Egypt, and God

the father in spirit as well as in flesh and blood.

 

The cause of a mystical relationship that was recognized between man and the animals may now be

traced on grounds less lofty than that of the supposed divine incarnations, and more natural than that of

an animistic interfusing which led to a confusion of identity and personality. The animals were first

recognized as powers in themselves, but they were also adopted as the living visible symbols of

elemental powers that were superior to the human as a means of representing natural phenomena. They

were further adopted into the human family as Totemic types with religious rites that gave them all the

sanctity of the blood-covenant and made them typically of one flesh with the human brothers. Thus they

were doubly adopted; and this led to their becoming later living fetishes as the naturalized

representatives of superhuman powers, though not as the direct object of human worship. The life-tie

assumed between Totemic man and the Totemic animal or zootype was consciously assumed, and we

can perceive by what process and on what ground the assumption was made. The zootype being

adopted as a badge of distinction, the primeval coat of arms, it was a custom for the human beings to

 

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enter into a brotherhood of blood. That is, the men who were not born of the same mother, or of two

sisters, could extend the natural tie of blood by a typical rite to others who were born of different mothers.

In this way, the larger kin, clan, or tribe was formed on the basis of brotherhood under some Totemic

sign. Now if the animal becomes of kin to the human brother by virtue of a covenant intentionally made in

the blood of both, that proves the kinship did not exist before. The relationship did not spring from any

root in nature, or any false belief, but was ordained for the purpose, and is consequently limited to the

particular beast and brotherhood. The bull is only kinsman to those whom he serves as a Totem, an

image of the ancestor and a type of the fraternity. So is it with all the other zootypes which had been

employed from before the time when the individual fatherhood was known. There is no necessary

confusion of identity. If men had abstained from eating the animals on the ground of kinship and

intercommunion of nature, because of a confusion or identification of themselves with the beasts, they

ought to have abstained from eating any, whereas they ate them all in turn, exceptions being made solely